Order Code RS21333
Updated May 19, 2005
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Northern Ireland: The Peace Process
Kristin Archick
Specialist in European Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Summary
For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a peaceful
settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. After many ups and downs, the two
governments and the eight parties participating in peace talks announced an agreement
on April 10, 1998. However, the implementation of the resulting Good Friday
Agreement continues to be difficult. This report will be updated as events warrant.
Overview
Since 1969, over 3,200 people have died as a result of political violence in Northern
Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom. The conflict, which has its origins in the
1921 division of Ireland, has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and
religious identities.1 The Protestant majority (53%) in Northern Ireland defines itself as
British and largely supports continued incorporation in the UK (unionists). The Catholic
minority (44%) considers itself Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland
(nationalists). For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a political
settlement. The Good Friday Agreement was reached on April 10, 1998. It calls for
devolved government — the transfer of power from London to Belfast — and establishes
a Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive Committee in which unionists and
nationalists share power, a North-South Ministerial Council, and a British-Irish Council.
It also contains provisions on decommissioning (disarmament), policing, human rights,
security normalization, and prisoners, and recognizes that a change in Northern Ireland’s
status can only come about with the consent of the majority of its people. Voters in
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in referendums on May
22, 1998. Elections to the new Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
Nonetheless, implementation of the peace agreement has been difficult, and sporadic
violence from dissident groups continues. Instability in the devolved government has
1 In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth. For more background, see CRS Report RL30368, Northern
Ireland: Implementation of the Peace Agreement during the 106th Congress.

Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

CRS-2
been the rule rather than the exception. Unionists remain concerned about the IRA’s
commitment to decommissioning and non-violence, while nationalists worry about the
pace of demilitarization, police reforms, and ongoing loyalist paramilitary activity.
Decommissioning, Devolved Government, and Recurrent Crises
After 27 years of direct rule from London, authority over local affairs was transferred
to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive on December 1, 1999. On February 11,
2000, however, London suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s
First Minister, Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to resign
to protest the absence of IRA decommissioning. UK officials worried that Trimble would
have been replaced by someone less supportive of, if not opposed to, the peace agreement.
In May 2000, the UUP voted to reinstate the power-sharing institutions following an IRA
pledge to put its arms “beyond use”; the Assembly reconvened in June 2000.
Unionists remained frustrated, however, by the IRA’s lack of decommissioning. The
IRA asserted that progress depended on London fully honoring its demilitarization and
policing commitments. The June 7, 2001 general and local elections in Northern Ireland
saw the more extremist Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and IRA-linked Sinn Fein party
gaining on the UUP and the moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labor Party
(SDLP). With no IRA disarmament, Trimble resigned as First Minister on July 1, 2001.
London suspended the devolved government on August 10 for 24 hours to avoid calling
new elections, which it feared would result in additional gains for hardliners. The peace
agreement stipulates that the Assembly can go no longer than six weeks without a First
Minister, or new elections must be called. The brief suspension reset the clock, giving
negotiators another six weeks to try to avert the collapse of Belfast’s political institutions.
In mid-August 2001, Colombian authorities arrested three suspected IRA members
on charges of training FARC guerrillas to use explosives. The FARC is a 15,000-strong
force that conducts attacks against the Colombian government and U.S. interests. Given
U.S. efforts to help counter the FARC, Washington was troubled by the IRA’s alleged ties
to this group. But after the September 11 terrorist attacks, “President Bush declared war
against international terrorism ... If the IRA wanted to hold on to their weapons any
longer, the Americans would simply have none of it,” according to an Irish diplomat.2
Sinn Fein was facing political isolation and the loss of private American financial support.
Negotiations among Sinn Fein, London, and Dublin continued. On September 21,
2001, London suspended the Assembly again for 24 hours to buy more time. Finally, on
October 23, following a public call for IRA decommissioning by Sinn Fein, the IRA
announced that it reportedly had put a quantity of weapons “beyond use” to “save the
peace process.” In response, the UUP decided to rejoin the power-sharing executive.
London began dismantling several more army watchtowers and promised to devise an
2 As quoted in Kevin Cullen, “Sinn Fein Prods IRA on Disarming,” Boston Globe, Oct. 23, 2001.
In April 2004, the IRA suspects were found not guilty on the charges of training the FARC, but
this verdict was overturned by a Colombian appeals court in December 2004. The three suspects
have reportedly fled Colombia. For more information, see House International Relations
Committee, “International Global Terrorism: Its Links with Illicit Drugs as Illustrated by the IRA
and Other Groups in Colombia,” 107th Cong., 2nd sess., Serial No. 107-87, Apr. 24, 2002.

CRS-3
amnesty arrangement for nationalist fugitives. On November 5, David Trimble was
reelected First Minister; SDLP leader Mark Durkan was reelected Deputy First Minister.
Relative calm prevailed in early 2002. By March, the British had closed seven more
military bases, bringing the total number vacated to 48 out of 105. On April 8, the IRA
carried out a second act of decommissioning. Still, worries about the IRA’s long-term
commitment to the peace process persisted following allegations that the IRA was buying
new weapons, updating its “hit list,” and was behind the theft of intelligence documents
from a Belfast police barracks. On October 4, police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices
and arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring. The
UUP and DUP were outraged, and threatened to withdraw from the government unless
Sinn Fein was expelled. Sinn Fein rejected all of the charges against its members.
On October 14, 2002, London suspended Belfast’s devolved government and
reinstated direct rule. Since then, London and Dublin have led talks with Northern
Ireland’s political parties to try to find a way forward. Both Prime Minister Blair and Irish
Prime Minister Bertie Ahern emphasize that “acts of completion” are necessary. On April
23, 2003, Prime Minister Blair asserted that the IRA needed to answer three questions:
“Does the IRA intend to end all activities, including targeting and weapons procurement?
Does the IRA intend to put all its arms beyond use? Does the IRA’s position mean a final
closure of the conflict?” In response, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams sought to assure
unionists of the IRA’s “peaceful intent,” stating on April 30 that the IRA’s activities “will
be consistent with its resolve to see the complete and final closure of the conflict.”
London and Dublin insisted, however, that Adams’ words were not adequate guarantees.
On May 1, London postponed Northern Ireland’s May 29 Assembly elections to give
the parties more time to negotiate. At the same time, London and Dublin published a
“Joint Declaration,” which called for a further drawdown of UK forces, devolution of
policing and justice, and an end to paramilitarism and sectarian violence; they also
outlined a deal for “on-the-run” fugitives, and an independent body to monitor
paramilitary ceasefires and political party compliance with the peace accord. To keep up
political momentum, Blair and Ahern sought to implement some parts of the Joint
Declaration ahead of a final deal; demolition of two more army watchtowers began on
May 9, and steps were taken to establish the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC).
By September 2003, negotiations were focused on assuring unionists that the IRA
was winding down as a paramilitary force. On October 21, 2003, London announced that
Assembly elections would be held on November 26. Within hours, Gerry Adams declared
Sinn Fein’s “total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful
means” and called for all guns to be “taken out of Irish society.” Next, the IRA asserted
that Adams “accurately reflects our position” and announced a third act of
decommissioning. But, Trimble criticized the lack of details about the type and quantity
of arms disposed, and put further progress “on hold.”
On November 26, 2003, voters in Northern Ireland went to the polls despite the
deadlock over devolution. The largely anti-agreement DUP — led by the Reverend Ian
Paisley — overtook the UUP as the dominant unionist party in the Assembly. Sinn Fein

CRS-4
surpassed the more moderate SDLP to become the largest nationalist party.3 On January
5, 2004, UUP rebel Jeffrey Donaldson defected to the DUP, along with two other UUP
members, increasing the number of DUP seats further. The DUP asserted that it would
not enter into government with Sinn Fein until the IRA disarms and disbands.
Most analysts predicted that the election results would make restoring devolution
more difficult. Negotiations continued, but remained stalemated for much of 2004. In
September 2004, Prime Ministers Blair and Ahern led intensive talks with the parties.
Although they concluded without a deal, London and Dublin believed that the IRA was
ready to guarantee an end to paramilitary activity and the completion of decommissioning
by the end of the year. A key sticking point reportedly was DUP demands for certain
Assembly changes that nationalists feared could give the unionist parties a veto over
ministerial initiatives. In November 2004, London and Dublin presented compromise
proposals to Sinn Fein and the DUP to help break the deadlock. The transparency of the
decommissioning process re-emerged as a major stumbling block. The IRA agreed to
allow one Protestant and one Catholic clergyman to witness its decommissioning, but the
DUP called for photographic evidence to be taken and published. Sinn Fein and the IRA
balked, viewing these demands as an attempt to humiliate the IRA.4
Efforts to restore devolution have been further complicated by a bank robbery in
Belfast on December 20, 2004. Police believe that the heist was carried out by the IRA.
The IRA, backed by Sinn Fein, denies any involvement. Unionists say that the robbery
further justifies their demands for photographic proof of any future IRA
decommissioning. In early February 2005, the IRA announced that it was rescinding its
offer to complete decommissioning.
Sinn Fein and the IRA have also come under increasing pressure to address the issue
of IRA criminality — including from the Catholic community — following the murder
of Belfast man Robert McCartney during a bar brawl in late January 2005. The IRA has
expelled three members, and Sinn Fein has suspended seven others accused of being
involved. On March 8, 2005, the IRA announced that it had offered to shoot four men
directly involved in the McCartney killing; the McCartney family declined this offer,
which was strongly condemned by London, Dublin, and Washington. Sinn Fein insisted
that the IRA statement was positive because it guaranteed the safety of any witnesses that
might come forward. On April 6, Gerry Adams effectively called on the IRA to abandon
violence and to pursue politics as an “alternative” to “armed struggle.” The next day, the
IRA said it would consider Adams’ appeal. Some suggested that Adams’ comments were
an attempt to bolster Sinn Fein’s electoral prospects ahead of the UK’s general election
on May 5, 2005. London and Dublin welcomed Adams’ statement but stressed that
further progress in the peace process would depend on a decisive end to all IRA activity.
Many commentators believe that the 2005 elections have further confirmed Northern
Ireland’s political polarization and will make it harder to restore devolution in the near
term. The DUP secured nine seats in the UK Parliament, while the UUP lost five of its
six seats, including Trimble’s. Sinn Fein, with five seats, has a two-seat lead over the
3 For more information, see CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003 Election.
4 For the text of the Blair-Ahern proposals, made public on December 8, 2004, see the Northern
Ireland Office’s website [http://www.nio.gov.uk].

CRS-5
SDLP. Trimble has since resigned as UUP leader. Some suggest that the DUP now
believes it has a unionist mandate to forego a power-sharing deal with Sinn Fein without
a verifiable end to IRA activity; the DUP may push for Sinn Fein to be excluded from the
devolved government or might opt to support continued direct rule from London instead.
UK and Irish officials remain hopeful that the DUP and Sinn Fein — having established
themselves as the dominant voices of their respective communities — will be better
positioned to make the necessary compromises to end the political deadlock. Re-elected
Prime Minister Blair has asserted that securing a lasting settlement in Northern Ireland
is a top priority for his third term, but any significant progress is not expected until after
the IRA delivers its response to Adams’ appeal.5
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
The peace agreement called for an independent commission to help “ensure policing
arrangements, including composition, recruitment, training, culture, ethos and symbols,
are such that ... Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread support
from ... the community as a whole.” In June 1998, Prime Minister Blair appointed Chris
Patten to head this commission. In September 1999, the Patten Commission released a
report with 175 recommendations. It proposed a new name for the RUC, a new badge,
and new symbols free of the British or Irish states. Other key measures included reducing
the size of the force from 11,400 to 7,500, and increasing the proportion of Catholic
officers. Unionists responded negatively, but nationalists were mostly positive.
In May 2000, the Blair government introduced the Police Bill in the House of
Commons. Nationalists were critical, arguing that Patten’s proposals had been gutted.
London responded that amendments would deal with human rights training, promoting
50-50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants, and oversight responsibilities. The Police
Bill became law on November 23, 2000. While some nationalist concerns had been
addressed, Sinn Fein and the SDLP asserted that the reforms did not go far enough. In
March 2001, recruiting began for the future Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).
To help ensure nationalist support, London proposed further concessions in July 2001,
which included halving the anti-terrorist “Special Branch.”
In August 2001, the SDLP broke with Sinn Fein and accepted the British revisions;
the SDLP agreed to nominate representatives to the Policing Board, a democratic
oversight body. Despite Sinn Fein’s continued opposition, the Policing Board came into
being on November 4, 2001. That same day, the RUC was renamed the PSNI, and the
first class of recruits drawn 50-50 from both communities began their training. Sinn Fein
maintains that the changes are largely cosmetic. Some say Sinn Fein’s absence from the
Policing Board discourages Catholics from joining the PSNI. To assuage nationalist
concerns further, London outlined plans in November 2002 for new policing legislation
to provide more public accountability and eventually allow former paramilitaries to sit on
Northern Ireland’s new District Policing Partnerships (DPPs), which seek to foster greater
local involvement in policing. Paramilitary participation would be conditional on other
5 “Sinn Fein President Calls on IRA to Abandon Violence,” Irish Times, Apr. 7, 2005; “Election
Dreams Come True for DUP,” BBC News, May 16, 2005.

CRS-6
“acts of completion.” DPPs came into being in March 2003. The Police (Northern
Ireland) Act 2003 received Royal Assent in April 2003. In late November 2004, Sinn
Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde for the first time in the context
of the search for a comprehensive deal to restore devolution.
U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials assert that trust and confidence can
only be rebuilt if the IRA and other paramilitaries “go out of business.” They also stress
that Sinn Fein must join the Policing Board. A U.S. representative sits on the
Independent Monitoring Commission. U.S. officials have described the IRA’s February
2005 decision to withdraw its decommissioning offer as “unwelcome” and called on the
IRA to disband following its March 2005 offer to shoot the McCartney killers. Members
of Congress actively support the peace process. Some Members have also called for the
IRA to stand down in the wake of the McCartney murder. Encouraged by the progress
on police reforms, Members prompted the Administration in December 2001 to lift a ban
on contacts between the FBI and the new PSNI. Congress had initiated this prohibition
in 1999 because of the former RUC’s human rights record. Some Members remain
concerned with human rights and accountability issues in Northern Ireland. In March
2005, a hearing was held on the status of public inquiries into four high-profile murders
in Northern Ireland.6 The United States provides aid through the International Fund for
Ireland ($8.5 million requested for FY2006) and is an important source of investment.
Recent Legislation
S.Res. 84 condemns IRA violence and criminality. Introduced by Sen. Kennedy,
Mar. 17, 2005; passed the same day.
P.L. 108-447 (Dec. 8, 2004) appropriates $18.5 million for the International Fund
for Ireland as part of the FY2005 foreign operations spending measure in the Consolidated
Appropriations Act 2005. Introduced as H.R. 4818 by Rep. Kolbe, July 13, 2004.
P.L. 108-449 (Dec. 10, 2004) amends and extends the Irish Peace Process Cultural
and Training Program Act (IPPCTPA) of 1998 through FY2008 to provide job and
conflict resolution training to persons from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
Introduced by as H.R. 2655 by Rep. Walsh, June 26, 2003.
H.Con.Res. 267 urges a full and impartial inquiry into the 1989 murder of Belfast
attorney Patrick Finucane. Introduced by Rep. Payne, July 25, 2003.
P.L. 107-228 (Sept. 30, 2002) authorizes Department of State appropriations for
FY2002-2003. Section 701 sets conditions for FBI training of PSNI officers and requires
the President to report on decommissioning and the status of several high-profile murder
investigations. Introduced as H.R. 1646 by Rep. Hyde, Apr. 27, 2001.
6 See House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights,
and International Operations, “Northern Ireland Human Rights: Update on the Cory Collusion
Inquiry Reports,” 109th Congress, 1st sess., March 16, 2005.