Order Code RL32774
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Plan Colombia: A Progress Report
February 17, 2005
Connie Veillette
Analyst in Latin American Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress
Plan Colombia: A Progress Report
Summary
Plan Colombia was developed by former President Pastrana (1998-2002) as a
six-year plan to end Colombia’s long armed conflict, eliminate drug trafficking, and
promote economic and social development. The Andean Counterdrug Initiative
(ACI) is the primary U.S. program that supports Plan Colombia. In addition,
Colombia receives assistance from the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program
and the Department of Defense’s central counternarcotics account. ACI funding for
Plan Colombia from FY2000 through FY2005 totals approximately $2.8 billion.
When FMF and DOD assistance is included, the total level of U.S. support to
Colombia is $4.5 billion. The Administration has requested Congress to continue
support for Plan Colombia beyond FY2005, with an additional $463 million in ACI
funding, and $90 million in FMF requested for FY2006.
The objectives of Colombia and the United States differ in some aspects,
although there is a significant overlap of goals. The primary U.S. objective is to
prevent the flow of illegal drugs into the United States, as well as to help Colombia
promote peace and economic development because it contributes to regional security
in the Andes. The primary objectives of Colombia are to promote peace and
economic development, increase security, and end drug trafficking. Both U.S. and
Colombian objectives have also evolved over time from a strict counternarcotics
focus to encompass counterterrorism activities.
Because Plan Colombia is a six-year plan, due to expire at the end of 2005,
Congress will likely assess its progress in light of the Administration’s request to
continue funding the ACI account, the latter having no statutory end-date. Congress
has expressed the expectation that funding would begin to decrease in FY2006.
Some Members have also expressed the opinion that the ratio between interdiction
and alternative development should become more balanced, and that the U.S. role
should diminish as Colombia develops more operational capabilities.
While there has been measurable progress in Colombia’s internal security, as
indicated by decreases in violence, and in the eradication of drug crops, no effect has
been seen with regard to price, purity, and availability of cocaine and heroin in the
United States. Military operations against illegally armed groups have intensified,
but the main leftist guerrilla group seems no closer to agreeing to a cease-fire. The
demobilization of rightist paramilitary fighters is proceeding, but without a legal
framework governing the process. Critics of U.S. policy argue that respect for human
rights by the Colombian security forces is still a problem, and that counternarcotics
programs have negative consequences for the civilian population, and for the
promotion of democracy in general.
For more information on Colombia and the Andean Counterdrug Initative, see
CRS Report RL32250 Colombia: Issues for Congress by Connie Veillette, and CRS
Report RL32337 Andean Counterdrug Initiative (ACI) and Related Funding
Programs: FY2005 Assistance by Connie Veillette. This report will be updated as
new data becomes available.
Contents
Plan Colombia and the Andean Counterdrug Initiative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Assessment of Key Objectives and Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Drug Flows to the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cultivation of Drug Crops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Violence and Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Armed Conflict . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Economic Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Promotion of Democracy, Rule of Law, and Human Rights . . . . . . . . 10
Regional Stability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Prospects for U.S. Disengagement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
List of Tables
Table 1. Eradication of Drug Crops, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Table 2. Change in Acreage Under Cultivation, 2002-2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Table 3. Measures of Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Table 4. Attacks on Oil Pipelines, 2001-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Plan Colombia: A Progress Report
Plan Colombia and the Andean Counterdrug Initiative
Plan Colombia was developed by former President Pastrana (1998-2002) as a
six-year plan to end the country’s 40-year old armed conflict, eliminate drug
trafficking, and promote economic and social development. President Uribe (2002-
present) has continued the work of Plan Colombia, but with an increased emphasis
on security concerns. It was envisioned that a significant portion of the costs of Plan
Colombia would be provided by the international community, although to date, the
United States has been the most significant contributor.1
The Andean Counterdrug Initiative (ACI) is the primary U.S. program that
supports Plan Colombia, as well as assistance to other nations in the Andean region.
In addition to ACI funding, Colombia also benefits from the Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) program, and the Department of Defense’s central counternarcotics
account. U.S. support for Plan Colombia began in 2000, when Congress passed
legislation (P.L. 106-246) providing $1.3 billion for the region in interdiction and
development assistance. ACI funding for Plan Colombia from FY2000 through
FY2005 totals approximately $2.8 billion. When FMF and DOD assistance is
included, the total level of U.S. support to Colombia is $4.5 billion.
The Administration has requested Congress to continue support for Plan
Colombia beyond FY2005 with an additional $463 million in ACI funds, and $90
million in FMF requested for FY2006. U.S. resources support the eradication of coca
and opium poppy crops, the interdiction of narcotics trafficking, and the protection
of infrastructure, through the training and material support for Colombia’s security
forces. U.S. programs also support alternative crop development and infrastructure
development to give coca and opium poppy farmers alternative sources of income,
and institution building programs to strengthen democracy. Components of U.S.
assistance include human rights training.
Because Plan Colombia is a six-year plan, due to expire at the end of 2005,
Congress will likely assess its progress in light of the Administration request to
continue ACI funding, the latter having no statutory end-date.2 The House-passed
1 The original plan estimated costs to be $7.5 billion, with $3.5 coming from international
donors, and the remainder from the government of Colombia. “Plan Colombia Fact Sheet,”
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State, March 14, 2001.
European countries provide economic and social development funds, but do not consider
them to be in support of Plan Colombia.
2 Several congressional hearings were held in 2003 and 2004 to assess the progress of Plan
Colombia, with Members specifically referring to its expiration at the end of 2005. In 2005,
(continued...)
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FY2005 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act (H.R. 4818) expressed concern that
the FY2005 budget request increased ACI levels for Colombia, despite its scheduled
conclusion. The language noted the Committee’s expectation that the FY2006
request for Colombia would be less. However, the FY2006 request essentially
maintains the same level of funding for Colombia, $463 million. The House bill, as
well as some individual Members of Congress, expressed the opinion that the ratio
between alternative development and interdiction should be more balanced. The
FY2006 request maintains the same balance as in FY2005: $124.8 million for
alternative development and institution building; $27.4 million for rule of law
programs; and $310.9 million for interdiction. Other Members have suggested the
need for an exit strategy that would have Colombia develop the capabilities to take
over the types of operations for which the United States is now providing support.
Objectives
The objectives of Colombia and the United States for Plan Colombia differ in
some aspects, although there is a significant overlap of goals. The primary U.S.
objective is to prevent the flow of illegal drugs into the United States, as well as to
help Colombia promote peace and economic development because it contributes to
regional security in the Andes.3 The primary objectives of Colombia are to promote
peace and economic development, and increase security. Addressing drug trafficking
is considered a key aspect of those objectives.4
The objectives of each country have evolved over time. This evolution became
evident when President Uribe was elected on a platform of taking a tougher approach
to the illegally armed groups (IAG) that operate in the country and benefit from
participation in drug trafficking. He vowed not to negotiate with any of the armed
groups until they declared a cease-fire and disarmed. In addition, Uribe implemented
new laws giving the security forces increased powers, and instituted a one-time tax
to be used to increase the troop strength and capabilities of the Colombian military.
He increasingly equated the guerrillas with drug traffickers and terrorists, and
initiated a military campaign, called Plan Patriota, to recapture guerrilla-controlled
territory.
2 (...continued)
Senator Norm Coleman asked then Secretary-designate, Condaleeza Rice, at her
confirmation hearings about the next phase of Plan Colombia, considering its expiration in
2005.
3 Statement of the President, William J. Clinton, Office of the Press Secretary, January 11,
2000.
4 Plan Colombia: Plan for Peace, Prosperity, and the Strengthening of the State,
Government of Colombia, Office of the Presidency, October 1999. “The government is
committed to consolidating the central responsibilities of the state: promoting democracy
and the rule of law and the monopoly in the application of justice, territorial integrity,
employment, respect for human rights and human dignity, and the preservation of order as
established by political and social rules....It is central to this strategy to move forward
decisively in partnership with the countries which produce and those which consume illegal
drugs, under the principles of reciprocity and equality.”
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U.S. policy has also evolved from a strictly counternarcotics focus to support
for Colombia’s fight against IAGs. In 2002, the Administration requested, and
Congress approved, expanded authority to use U.S. counternarcotics funds for a
unified campaign to fight both drug trafficking and terrorist organizations in
Colombia.5 The three main armed organizations in Colombia — the leftist
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and the National Liberation
Army (ELN), and the rightist United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) have
been designated foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) by the State Department,
[pursuant to section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended by the
Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-132).]6 In 2003 the
FARC and AUC were designated Significant Foreign Narcotics Traffickers under the
Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act (P.L. 106-120).
Assessment of Key Objectives and Issues
Drug Flows to the United States. Despite increased eradication of drug
crops and interdiction efforts under Plan Colombia, U.S. government agencies
responsible for tracking drug trends report that the availability, price, and purity of
cocaine and heroin in the United States have remained stable. Colombia produces
most7 of the world supply, with 90% of the cocaine entering the United States
originating in or transiting through Colombia. The country also produces significant
quantities of high quality heroin. The supply of drugs is often judged by changes in
price, with higher prices signifying decreased supply. However, for the period
covering December 2002 through May 2003, the Office of National Drug Control
Policy (ONDCP) reports that prices for both cocaine and heroin remained stable, with
prices falling in some of the 25 cities surveyed.8 An April 2004 report from the
Justice Department’s National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC) found that cocaine,
in both its powder and crack forms, is “readily available throughout the country and
overall availability appears to be stable.” NDIC also reported that heroin availability
has remained stable and has increased in many suburban and rural areas.9
There are several reasons why prices and supply have remained stable despite
increased eradication efforts. In testimony before Congress in June 2004, John P.
Walters of the ONDCP argued that interdiction efforts take time to show their impact
on price and availability, and that the effect would begin to show in the next 12
5 The State Department and DOD explain this expanded authority as providing them with
flexibility in situations where there is no clear line between drug and terrorist activity.
6 The ELN and FARC were first designated FTOs in 1997, and subsequently redesignated
in 2001. The AUC was first designated in 2001.
7 The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that 67% of the
world’s cocaine supply was produced in Colombia in 2003. The State Department’s
International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR) puts the figure at 80%.
8 Office of National Drug Control Policy, Pulse Check, January 2004.
9 U.S. Department of Justice, National Drug Intelligence Center, National Drug Threat
Assessment 2004, April 2004.
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months.10 Some argue that an increase in the street price of cocaine and heroin is
unlikely to appear in the near term because of the large profit margin. Even if the
availability of coca leaf and opium poppies is decreasing, and consequently the price
for the raw materials is increasing, they constitute a very small fraction of the U.S.
retail price.11 Traffickers are easily able to absorb this increased cost.12
With regard to drug purity, according to the ONDCP, the purity of cocaine has
remained stable since the mid-1980s. Heroin purity has steadily increased since the
1980s,13 with current purity levels possibly reflecting a higher quality of heroin
produced in Colombia. At the same time, the National Institute on Drug Abuse
(NIDA) reported that drug use among young people has declined by 11% from 2001
to 2003, and again by 6% from 2003 to 2004.14 While these surveys report a
declining trend in overall drug use, they also report that the use of cocaine and heroin
has remained stable. In fact, the National Survey on Drug Use and Health reported
that “There was no change in the overall rate of illicit drug use between 2002 and
2003.”15 The same report showed that cocaine and heroin use has remained stable
over the same time period at 2.3 million persons (not limited to young Americans)
and 119,000 users respectively. Some observers criticize the value of these types of
surveys because they rely on self-reporting.16
The interdiction of the final product, rather than the raw ingredients, imposes
greater costs on traffickers. In June 2004, the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA)
reported that domestic seizures of heroin had steadily increased from 1,152 kilograms
in 1999 to 2,351 kilograms in 2003. Seizures of cocaine, both domestic and
maritime, have increased from 106,623 kilograms in 2000 to 115,725 kilograms in
10 John P. Walters, ONDCP, testimony before the House Government Reform Committee,
“A Status Report on Plan Colombia Successes and Remaining Challenges,” June 17, 2004.
“...we believe we will see a change in the availability in the United States in the next 12
months as a result of what happens here....It takes some time between the planting and the
processing and the shipping and the dealing, we believe that will probably first appear in
reductions in purity, because most of the market for this product as you know is dependent
individuals.”
11 According to a 1994 study, coca leaf constitutes 2% of the retail price of cocaine. James
Painter, Bolivia and Coca: A Study in Dependency, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers,
1994. See also Kathryn Ledebur, “Bolivia: Clear Consequences” in Drugs and Democracy
in Latin America: The Impact of U.S. Policy, edited by Coletta A. Youngers and Eileen
Rosin, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005.
12 John M. Walsh, Drug War Monitor: Are We There Yet?, Washington Office on Latin
America, December 2004. “For less than $1,000, traffickers can purchase the coca leaf
needed to produce a kilogram of cocaine that retails for about $150,000 in the United States
(when sold in $100 units of one gram each, two-thirds pure.)”
13 Ibid. ONDCP Pulse Check.
14 National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2003 Monitoring the Future, December 2003, and
2004 Monitoring the Future, December 21, 2004.
15 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMSHA), Findings from
the 2003 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, September 2004.
16 Ibid. Walsh.
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2003. Much of this gain is from maritime seizures in the South Atlantic and
Caribbean, and southwest Pacific regions. Operation Panama Express, which targets
Colombian cocaine trafficking in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific oceans, resulted
in seizures of more than 15.7 metric tons since it began operations in February
2000.17 In Colombia, the Ministry of Defense reports cocaine seizures of 148 tons
in 2004, a 30% increase from 2003, and heroin seizures of 721 kilograms in 2004,
a 43.9% increase from 2003. The State Department’s International Narcotics
Strategy Report 2003 (INCSR) credited the Air Bridge Denial (ABD) program (a
joint U.S.-Colombian aerial interdiction program) with the destruction of four
aircraft, the capture of three aircraft, the seizure of one “go-fast” boat and the seizure
of more than five metric tons of cocaine in Colombia and Guatemala in 2003. In
2004, the ABD program destroyed 18 aircraft and seized 7.9 metric tons of cocaine,
according to the State Department. The U.S.-funded Special Reconnaissance and
Assault Unit of the Colombian Navy seized 12 metric tons of cocaine, 12 kilograms
of heroin, 17 “go-fast” boats, 34 outboard motor boats, 2 commercial fishing vessels,
and 75 traffickers. The Colombian Police Anti-Narcotics Directorate (DIRAN) is
credited with destroying 83 laboratories, and seizing 48 metric tons of cocaine and
cocaine base, 1,539 metric tons of solid precursors and 755,588 gallons of liquid
precursors. (Solid and liquid precursors, such as kerosene, are used to process coca
leaf into cocaine base.)18
Cultivation of Drug Crops. Both the State Department and United Nations
report significant decreases in acreage devoted to growing drug crops. A key
component of Plan Colombia is the manual and aerial eradication of coca and poppy
crops. (See the tables below for eradication and cultivation statistics.) The United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that at the end of 2003,
Colombia had 212,506 acres of coca under cultivation, having reduced its production
by 47% since 2000. Opium poppy under cultivation covered about 10,000 acres,
from 16,000 acres in 2000.19
In order to induce growers to give up illicit crops, ACI funding supports
alternative development programs administered by the U.S. Agency for International
Development. The State Department reports that 12,845 families benefitted from this
type of assistance in 2004, and a total of 44,015 families have benefitted since 2001.
The program supported the development of 40,791 acres of licit crops in 2004, and
136,000 acres since 2001. In 2004, USAID completed 244 infrastructure projects,
bringing the total to 874 since 2001.
17 U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, Drug Intelligence Briefing, Federal-Wide Drug Seizures
1999-2003, June 2004.
18 The annual International Narcotics Control Strategy Report is published in the spring.
Figures for calendar year 2004 will be reported in the next report, due around March 2005.
19 United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, 2004 World Drug Report, June 2004. While
the State Department reports that 323,400 acres were sprayed in 2004, the United Nations
reports that there were 212,506 acres of coca under cultivation by the end of 2003. The
difference could be due to different survey methodology used, or to replantings. Spraying
does not prevent, although it may discourage, replantings of illicit crops.
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Table 1. Eradication of Drug Crops, 2003-2004
(in acres)
2003
2004
Coca crops sprayed
313,800
323,700
Opium poppy sprayed
7,000
7,200
Coca crops manually eradicated
21,000
2,362
Opium poppy manually eradicated
2,500
1,759
Source: U.S. Department of State.
Table 2. Change in Acreage Under Cultivation, 2002-2003
(%)
2002
2003
Coca
— 15%
— 21%
Opium Poppy
— 24%
— 10%
Source: U.S. Department of State
The eradication program, including the aerial fumigation of crops, has been
controversial. Criticism has centered on the possible environmental and health
effects of the fumigant used, and on the pace of development programs to provide
farmers with alternatives to drug crop cultivation. Some observers argue that
alternative development programs are not funded to the level needed to help growers
transition to licit crops, and are often poorly implemented.20 They believe the focus
on counternarcotics at the level of coca cultivation causes serious problems for
growers who rely on illicit crops for their livelihoods. They contend that spray drift
has destroyed licit crops and that growers seeking compensation, as provided by law,
are regularly denied benefits.21 Some observers also contend that eradication of crops
in one area results in their displacement to other areas, and they cite coca production
increases in Bolivia of 17% in 2003. In the same period, cultivation in Peru dropped
15%. However, an official with Peru’s anti-narcotics agency predicted that acreage
devoted to growing coca probably increased in 2004, and he expected further
increases in 2005.22
20 Coletta A. Youngers and Eileen Rosin, “The U.S. ‘War on Drugs’: Its Impact in Latin
America and the Caribbean,” in Drugs and Democracy in Latin America: The Impact of U.S.
Policy.
21 Maria Clemencia Ramirez Lemus, Kimberly Stanton and John Walsh, “Colombia: A
Vicious Circle of Drugs and War,” in Drugs and Democracy in Latin America: The Impact
of U.S. Policy, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004.
22 Robin Emmott, “Colombia Cocaine Purge Drives Up Peru Drug Output,” Reuters,
(continued...)
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Some observers argue that reporting the acreage of crops sprayed does not
reflect actual cultivation, and that the technology used does not produce accurate
assessments. Fumigation causes defoliation, but does not always kill the plant.
Further, spraying does not prevent, although it may discourage, the replantings of
illicit crops. There are also indications that growers are resorting to smaller plots,
and are interspersing them with legitimate crops, making the aerial imaging of
plantings difficult. The UNODC reported that the size of single plots had decreased,
with the majority on plots of 7.4 acres or less.23
Violence and Crime. Most observers agree that public safety conditions in
Colombia have improved. Police have been redeployed to areas from which they had
been previously ousted by armed groups, and now have a presence in every
municipality. A greater security presence has significantly given Colombians more
confidence to travel by road. According to the State Department, the Colombian
National Police has trained and deployed 9,176 officers to rural areas, 8,166 to
protect major roadways, and 397 to defend 12 of the country’s 16 petroleum
pipelines.
Table 3. Measures of Violence
(%)
2004
Homicides
— 15%
Massacre Events
— 52%
Massacre Victims
— 48%
Kidnappings (total)
— 34%
Kidnappings for Extortion
— 49%
Illegal Road Blocks (Jan.-Oct.)
— 62%
Source: Ministry of Defense, Government of Colombia
Armed Conflict. A major goal of the Colombian government is to end the
armed conflict that has plagued the country for more than 40 years. Several illegally
armed groups of both the right and left operate in the country and derive profit from
participating in the drug trade. The two main leftist guerrilla groups are the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army
(ELN). Most of the rightist paramilitary groups are coordinated by the United Self-
22 (...continued)
January 8, 2005. Fernando Hurtado, deputy head of DEVIDA, the government anti-
narcotics agency, was quoted: “Coca eradication in Colombia has been successful, but less
coca means prices rise and drug traffickers are coming to Peru to plant.”
23 Ibid. UNODC. See also, “War And Drugs in Colombia,” International Crisis Group,
January 27, 2005, and “Going to Extremes: The U.S. Funded Aerial Eradication Program
in Colombia,” Latin American Working Group, March 2003.
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Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). The AUC, with estimated membership ranging
from 12,000 to 19,000, has agreed to demobilize, resulting in their planned
disbandment by the end of 2005. While legislation that would provide for
conditional sentencing for their human rights abuses and other crimes, as well as their
reintegration into society, has not yet been approved by the Colombian legislature,
the demobilization process has been proceeding. By the end of 2004, about 3,500
members have demobilized. In January 2005, another 900 laid down their arms.
Critics of the program argue that a legal framework is not in place that would hold
AUC members accountable for their crimes, that the process is being exploited by
common criminals seeking government relief, and that the AUC has not abided by
the terms of a cease-fire that was an integral component of the demobilization
process.24
Negotiations with the FARC have not taken place under the Uribe
Administration, since the FARC has refused Uribe’s demands that they first agree to
a cease-fire and demobilization. The FARC controls vast territory in the country,
mainly in the southern and eastern regions. There is conflicting evidence of FARC
resources, most likely due to the difficulty in determining the extent of their business
activities. The United Nations estimates that the FARC’s average annual income is
$342 million of which $204 million comes from the drug trade. However, the
Colombian Finance Ministry reports FARC revenue in 2003 at $77.16 million, of
which drug trafficking accounted for $11.54 million.25
In mid-2003, the Colombian military’s Plan Patriota, a campaign to recapture
FARC-held territory, began operations to secure the capital and environs of Bogotá
from FARC attack. This phase was largely seen as successful, based on the decrease
in kidnappings and roadblocks in the region. In 2004, military operations, conducted
by up to 17,000 troops, turned to regaining FARC territory in the southern and
eastern regions of the country. Anecdotal evidence indicates that the Colombian
military has forced the FARC to change tactics by atomizing into smaller cells to
avoid detection and reducing the number of large-scale attacks on military facilities.26
However, recent FARC attacks on military facilities and other military engagements
have resulted in 45 Colombian military casualties and indicate an offensive
capability. The Colombian military claims that Plan Patriota has reduced FARC
ranks from 18,000 to 12,000 in the past year.27 Information provided by the Office
of the Colombian President reports that the campaign was able to take back control
of 11 FARC-run villages, destroy more than 400 FARC camps, capture 1,534
24 Human Rights Watch, “Colombia Demobilization Scheme Ensures Injustice,” January
18, 2005.
25 United Nations Development Program, National Human Development Report 2003:
Solutions to Escape the Conflict’s Impasse, October 8, 2004, and “Las Cuentas de las Farc,”
Semana.com, January 30, 2005.
26 “FARC Losing Battle to Colombian Government, Analyst Says,” BBC, October 13, 2004.
27 Juan Pablo Toro, “Colombian General Says Rebels on the Run,” Associated Press,
February 3, 2005, Steven Dudley, “Rebels Kill 15 in Raid on Navy Base,” The Miami
Herald, February 2, 2005, and Juan Forero, “Image Offensive: Rebels Undercut Colombian
President,” New York Times, February 12, 2005.
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explosive devices and 323 gas-cylinder bombs, kill 2,518 combatants, and capture
large amounts of ammunition and weapons. With regard to FARC drug trafficking
activities, as of September 2004, it was reported that the Colombian military located
and destroyed more than 47 tons of solid chemical supplies, 18,000 gallons of liquid
precursors, half a ton of cocaine base, and $34,000 in cash.
The smaller ELN, which some observers believe is less involved in the drug
trade, has been more amenable to talks with the government. Both the ELN and the
Colombian government have accepted a 2004 Mexican offer to facilitate peace
negotiations, although a cease-fire is not in effect. Most recently, the group indicated
its willingness to participate in elections scheduled for 2006.
With regard to Plan Patriota, critics argue that because the territory is so rugged
and inaccessible, complete defeat of the FARC may be impossible. They further
point to the campaign’s negative effects on the civilian population by measuring the
number of internally displaced persons (IDP). There are conflicting reports on IDP
levels. The Colombian government reports that displaced persons dropped 37% from
2003, while a Colombian human rights groups reported that levels increased 39%
from 208,000 in 2003 to 289,000 in 2004, many of whom have not registered with
the Colombian government as displaced.28 The Department of Defense reports that
Southern Command (Southcom) is supporting the development of a civil affairs
capability of the Colombian military to mitigate the negative impact of military
operations, and to integrate humanitarian assistance into military planning.
Some critics of U.S. policy believe that assistance to the Colombian military
serves to increase its autonomy from civilian authority, and provides a rationale for
the military to be concerned with internal enemies, in the form of drug traffickers,
rather than external threats, the standard function of militaries. This is of particular
concern in Latin America where militaries have often intervened in civilian politics.
Critics contend that the United States should not be expanding the role of foreign
militaries to perform functions that would not be in line with its own laws or those
of other democracies. (The U.S. Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 established the
principle prohibiting the use of the armed forces in law enforcement activities.)
According to this argument, U.S. assistance counters other U.S. objectives, such as
to promote democracy by ensuring civilian control of the military. Instead, it blurs
the distinction between police and military functions.29
Economic Development. Confidence in the economy has increased with the
improved security situation, although some observers believe the country’s economic
rebound may be stalling.30 The World Bank characterizes Colombia as a middle
income country, with per capita GDP of $7,040 in 2003, according to the U.N.
Development Program. GDP growth was 3.5% in 2004 with an inflation rate of
28 Ibid. Garcia, February 1, 2005.
29 Adam Isacson, Lisa Haugaard, and Joy Olson, “Creeping Militarization in the
Americas,” in NACLA Report on the Americas, November-December 2004, and Adam
Isacson, “The U.S. Military in the War on Drugs,” in Drugs and Democracy in Latin
America, 2004.
30 “Colombia: Country Risk Summary,” Economist Intelligence Unit, February 3, 2005.
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5.5%. It is estimated that the drug trade contributes between 2.0% and 2.5% to
Colombia’s annual GDP.31 Colombia had the best performing stock market in the
world in 2004. Colombian exports help the economic situation, especially the
benefits it receives under the Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act.
Colombia, with Peru and Ecuador, is currently negotiating a free trade agreement
with the United States.
Colombia has been an important petroleum exporter, but the armed conflict has
led to production decreases. Oil exports are its largest single source of foreign
revenue, accounting for 28% of export revenues and 10% of government revenues
in 2003. Production declined to 560,206 barrels per day (bbl/d) in 2003 from a high
of 830,000 bbl/d in 1999. It exported 195,000 barrels per day to the United States
in 2003, a decrease of 25% from 2002. This follows a 13.5% decline the previous
year.32 Both the FARC and ELN have targeted energy production and transportation
infrastructure. A major target has been the 490-mile Caño Limón Coveñas oil
pipeline. In 2001, it was bombed 170 times resulting in shutdowns for seven months
at a cost of approximately $500 million in revenues and royalties to Colombia. Since
then, there has been a marked decrease in attacks. Aggressive exploration of new
reserves has been hindered by the fighting and the lack of effective government
control of all parts of the country. Colombian officials have warned that the country
could soon become a net importer of oil if no new significant fields are found.
Table 4. Attacks on Oil Pipelines, 2001-2004
2001
2002
2003
2004
Caño Limón Coveñas
170
41
34
17
All Pipelines
263
74
179
103
Source: Ministry of Defense, Government of Colombia.
Promotion of Democracy, Rule of Law, and Human Rights. The
promotion of democracy and rule of law, and respect for human rights are shared
components of both Colombian and U.S. objectives for Plan Colombia. The State
Department’s annual report on human rights for 2003 reported that some progress
had been made, but that the government’s human rights record remained poor. In
2003, there were between 3,000 and 4,000 civilian deaths due to the armed conflict.
While the civilian judiciary is considered independent of the executive branch, it is
reported to be “overburdened, inefficient, and subject to intimidation and corruption
by terrorist groups and common criminals.”33 The State Department report
recognized that the security forces were under the effective control of civilian
31 “Country Briefings: Colombia. Economic Structure,” Economist Intelligence Unit.
December 29, 2003.
32 U.S. Energy Information Administration, U.S. Department of Energy, “Colombia:
Country Analysis Brief,” July 2004.
33 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2003. The report
covering 2004 is expected in February 2005.
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authorities, but that there were still instances in which members of the security forces
committed serious violations of human rights, including cooperation with
paramilitary groups. Labor union leaders continued to be targeted by illegally armed
groups, hindering trade union activities, but the National Labor College, a Colombian
non-governmental organization, reported a 38% decline in homicides of unionists in
the first nine months of 2004.
The U.S. Agency for International Development supports programs to
modernize the criminal justice system, promote human rights, strengthen local
government, and increase transparency. Thirty-seven “justice houses,” providing
access to legal services, have been created, handling about 2.7 million cases since
2001. USAID also helped establish 35 oral trial courtrooms, and provided training
for judges in oral trials, legal evidence and procedures. The establishment of oral
courtrooms is part of a larger effort to transition Colombia’s judicial system from a
Napoleonic to an accusatorial system, that will also improve its efficiency.
Transparency International, a non-governmental organization that monitors
corruption, reported that Colombia’s ranking in its annual survey had improved by
17% between 2000 and 2003.
Non-governmental organizations monitoring human rights have consistently
criticized the State Department for certifying that the Colombian government is
making progress with regard to human rights. U.S. law requires that the Secretary
of State annually certify that the Colombian military is suspending any personnel
credibly alleged to have committed human rights violations or to have aided
paramilitarie; that the government is cooperating with human rights investigations
and is prosecuting those involved in violations; and that steps are being take to sever
links between the military and paramilitaries and dismantle paramilitary leadership
and financial networks. Critics point to the State Department’s annual human rights
report indicating that there is still collusion between paramilitaries and members of
Colombia’s security forces and that little progress has been made on a number of
pending investigations. Human rights organizations have also expressed alarm at the
passage of anti-terrorism legislation that grants Colombia’s security forces increased
powers to detain suspects for up to 36 hours, to search homes, and to tap phones,
without a legal warrant.
Regional Stability. A justification for U.S. policy in the region is that drug
trafficking, with its money laundering and corruptive influences, and armed
insurgencies in Colombia have a destabilizing effect on the region. With porous
borders amid rugged territory, and an inconsistent state presence in some areas,
border regions are seen as particularly problematic. Colombia shares lengthy borders
with Venezuela, Peru and Brazil, and much shorter borders with Ecuador and
Panama. The State Department’s 2003 Patterns of Global Terrorism report states
that Venezuela is “unwilling or unable to systematically police the Venezuela-
Colombia 1,400 mile border,” with the FARC and ELN using Venezuelan territory
as safehavens. Ecuador has been affected, according to a Colombian human rights
monitoring organization, by a flow of displaced Colombians fleeing the fighting in
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the south of Colombia.34 The situation has at various times heightened tension
between Colombia and Venezuela, the most recent tensions due to the kidnapping of
a FARC official in Venezuela, who then turned up in Colombian custody.
Prospects for U.S. Disengagement. Plan Colombia was presented to
Congress as a six-year plan, and several committees held hearings in 2003 to assess
its progress at the mid-way point. Despite some expectations that U.S. support for
Plan Colombia would end, or begin to decrease in FY2006, U.S. and Colombian
officials have argued that significant progress has been made, but that more needs to
be done.35 While there has been measurable progress in Colombia’s internal security,
as measured by decreases in violence, and in the eradication of drug crops, no effect
has been seen with regard to price, purity, and availability of cocaine and heroin in
the United States. Military operations against illegally armed groups have
intensified, but the main leftist guerrilla group has neither been defeated, nor brought
closer to wanting to enter peace negotiations. The demobilization of rightist
paramilitary fighters is proceeding, but without a legal framework for holding
demobilized persons accountable for criminal activity, human rights abuses, or
preventing them from joining armed groups in the future.
While the demobilization process holds the promise of removing up to 19,000
fighters from the conflict, Congress has expressed concerns that the process ensures
that illegally armed groups are dismantled, deters members from resuming illegal
activities, and holds accountable those who have violated human rights and
committed other crimes. The FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 108-
447) recommended that the State Department not request funding for demobilization
until the Department of Justice determines that the process is consistent with U.S.
anti-terrorism laws, that the demobilizing groups are respecting a cease-fire and
cessation of illegal activities, and that the legal framework eventually adopted not
prevent the extradition of suspected criminals to the United States.
Some Members of Congress have urged the “Colombianization” of the program,
under which Colombian security forces would assume the operational capabilities to
take over functions now provided by the United States. General James T. Hill
testified to Congress in 2004, when he was the head of the U.S. Southern Command,
that the capabilities of the Colombian military had measurably improved, as
evidenced by Plan Patriota.36 On the other hand, the Government Accountability
Office reported in 2003 that Colombia was not capable of assuming more
responsibilities in the near future, despite U.S. training programs.37
34 Cesar Garcia, “Colombian Rights Group: Offensive Against Rebels Forcing Thousands
of Peasants to Flee Their Homes,” Associated Press, February 1, 2005.
35 Pablo Bachelet “Bush Wants Spending on Colombia Drug War Altered Little,” The
Miami Herald, February 8, 2005.
36 Testimony of General James T. Hill, Commander, U.S. Southern Command, U.S. House
Government Reform Committee, June 17, 2004.
37 U.S. Government Accountability Office, Drug Control. Specific Performance Measures
and Long-Term Costs for U.S. Programs Have Not Been Developed, June 16, 2003, GAO-
(continued...)
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Some Members believe the international community should be providing more
support for Plan Colombia. The Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the House
International Relations Committee held hearings on the topic on November 18, 2004.
Rates of cocaine abuse have increased in Europe, yet critics argue that Europe has not
provided sufficient levels of assistance. The Colombian Agency for International
Cooperation reported that the European Union and its member states spent about
$120 million in Colombia in 2003.38 At a February 3-4, 2005 international donors
conference held in Cartegena, Colombia, attended by the United States, Europe,
Japan, Canada, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico, the Colombian government
presented its demobilization plan and the need for international support. It is
estimated that the AUC demobilization will cost about $160 million.39 Donors
expressed support for the demobilization process, but insisted that Colombia adopt
a legal framework that ensures demobilized fighters are prosecuted for crimes, citing
the need for “truth, justice, and reparations,” before aid would be committed.40
37 (...continued)
03-783.
38 Testimony of Robert R. Charles, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement, U.S. Department of State, Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the
House International Relations Committee hearing on Aid to Colombia: The European Role
in the Fight Against Narco-Terrorism, November 18, 2004.
39 Gary Marx, “Colombia Demobilization Plan Faulted,” Chicago Tribune, January 19,
2005.
40 Hugh Bronstein, “Colombia Is Told New Laws First, Then Aid,” Reuters, February 3,
2005.