Order Code RS21349
Updated January 21, 2005
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
U.S. Immigration Policy on Haitian Migrants
Ruth Ellen Wasem
Specialist in Immigration Policy
Domestic Social Policy Division
Summary
The devastation of Tropical Storm Jeanne coupled with escalating civil unrest and
armed rebellion in Haiti has renewed congressional interest in U.S. policy on Haitian
migrants, particularly those attempting to reach the United States by boat. While some
observers assert that the arrival of these Haitians demonstrate a breach in border
security, others maintain that these Haitians are asylum seekers following a 30-year
practice of Haitians coming by boat without legal immigration documents. Migrant
interdiction and mandatory detention are key components of U.S. policy toward Haitian
migrants, but human rights advocates express concern that Haitians are not afforded the
same treatment as other asylum seekers arriving in the United States. This report does
not track developments but will be updated if policies are revised.
Migration Trends
The widely-televised appearance of at least 220 Haitians washing ashore in Biscayne
Bay, Florida, on October 29, 2002, captured considerable attention, but the practice of
Haitians coming to the United States by boat without proper travel documents reportedly
dates back 30 years. An estimated 25,000 Haitians were among the mass migration of
over 150,000 asylum seekers who arrived in South Florida in 1980 during the Mariel
boatlift.1 The U.S. Coast Guard, as described below, has been interdicting vessels
carrying Haitians since 1981, a policy resulting from the Mariel Boatlift.
Figure 1 presents the U.S. Coast Guard data on Haitian migrants that the Coast
Guard has encountered on boats and rafts in the years following the Mariel boatlift. Most
notably, there was a drop of migrants after the Haitian elections in 1990 followed by a
dramatic upturn after the 1991 coup (discussed below). As U.S. policy responses to the
surges in Haitian boat people are considered below, the spikes and valleys in Figure 1
1 The Mariel boatlift was an influx of asylum seekers during a seven-month period in 1980 when
approximately 125,000 Cubans and 25,000 Haitians arrived by boats to South Florida. This mass
migration became known as the Mariel boatlift because most of the Cubans departed from Mariel
Harbor in Cuba.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

---

CRS-2
become more understandable. Since FY1998, the Coast Guard had interdicted over 1,000
Haitians each year with 1,486 being picked up in FY2002, 2,013 picked up in FY2003,
and 3229 in FY2004. As of January 19, 2005, the Coast Guard has interdicted 702
Haitians.2
Not all Haitian migrants
Figure 1. U.S. Coast Guard Interdiction of
are interdicted and returned to
Haitians, 1982-2004
Haiti by the Coast Guard, as is
apparent with the October 29,
Thousands
40
2002, landing of at least 220
Haitian s . Th e form er
Immigration and Naturalization
30
Service (INS) detained 167
Haitians after their boat ran
20
aground in South Florida on
December 3, 2001. The Coast
10
Guard also estimates that 75
Haitians landed in the United
States without apprehension
0
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
from October 1, 2002, through
Fiscal Year
February 28, 2003.
Source: CRS presentation of U.S. Coast Guard data.
Policy Evolution
Post-Mariel Policy. The Carter Administration labeled Haitians as well as Cubans
who had come to the United States during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift as “Cuban-Haitian
Entrants” and used the discretionary authority of the Attorney General to admit them. It
appeared that the vast majority of Haitians who arrived in South Florida did not qualify
for asylum according to the newly-enacted individualized definition of persecution in
§207-§208 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA, as amended by the Refugee Act
of 1980).3 Subsequently, an adjustment of status provision was included in the
Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 that enabled Cuban-Haitian
Entrants to become legal permanent residents (LPRs).4
Interdiction Agreement. In 1981, the Reagan Administration reacted to the mass
migration of asylum seekers who arrived in boats from Haiti by establishing a program
to interdict (i.e., stop and search certain vessels suspected of transporting undocumented
Haitians). This agreement, made with then-dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier, authorized the
U.S. Coast Guard to board and inspect private Haitian vessels on the high seas and to
interrogate the passengers. At that time, the United States generally viewed Haitian boat
people as economic migrants deserting one of the poorest countries in the world.
2 For detailed data on U.S. Coast Guard migrant interdictions, see [http://www.uscg.mil/hq/
g-o/g-opl/amio/flowstats/fy2004%20migrant%20flow.xls].
3 Aliens must demonstrate a well-founded fear that if returned home, they will be persecuted
based upon one of five characteristics: race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular
social group, or political opinion.
4 §202 of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (P.L. 99-603).

---

CRS-3
Under the original agreement, an INS interviewer and Coast Guard official, working
together, would check the immigration status of the passengers and return those
passengers deemed to be undocumented Haitians. An alien in question must have
volunteered information to the Coast Guard or INS interviewer that she or he would be
persecuted if returned to Haiti in order for the interdicted Haitian to be considered for
asylum. Ultimately, INS would determine the immigration status of the alien in question.
From 1981 through 1990, 22,940 Haitians were interdicted at sea. Of this number, INS
considered 11 Haitians qualified to apply for asylum in the United States.
Crisis After the Coup. The 1991 military coup d’etat deposing Haiti’s first
democratically elected President, Jean Bertrand Aristide, however, challenged the
assumption that all Haitian boat people were economic migrants. The State Department
reportedly hesitated on whether the Haitians should be forced to return given the strong
condemnation of the coup by the United States and the Organization of American States.
By November 11, 1991, approximately 450 Haitians were being held on Coast Guard
cutters while the administration of then-President George H. W. Bush considered the
options. The former Bush Administration lobbied for a regional solution to the outflow
of Haitian boat people, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) arranged for several countries in the region — Belize, Honduras, Trinidad and
Tobago, and Venezuela — to temporarily provide a safe haven for Haitians interdicted
by the Coast Guard. Some of the other countries in the region were each willing to
provide safe haven for only several hundred Haitians. Meanwhile, the Coast Guard
cutters were becoming severely overcrowded, and on November 18, 1991, the United
States forcibly returned 538 Haitians to Haiti.
Pre-Screening and Repatriation. The options for safe havens in third countries
in the region proved inadequate for the sheer numbers of Haitians fleeing their country,
and the former Bush Administration began treating the Haitians fleeing by boat as asylum
seekers. The Coast Guard took them to the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, where
they were pre-screened for asylum in the United States. During this period, there were
approximately 10,490 Haitians who were paroled into the United States after a pre-
screening interview at Guantanamo determined that they had a credible fear of persecution
if returned to Haiti. On May 24, 1992, citing the surge of Haitians that month, then-
President Bush ordered the Coast Guard to intercept all Haitians in boats and immediately
return them without interviews to determine whether they were at risk of persecution. The
Administration offered those repatriated the option of in-country refugee processing.5
Safe Haven and Refugee Processing. The repatriation policy continued for
two years, until then-President Bill Clinton announced that interdicted Haitians would be
taken to a location in the region where they would be processed as potential refugees. The
refugee processing policy lasted only a few weeks — June 15 to July 5, 1994. Much like
the former Bush Administration, the Clinton Administration cited the exodus of Haitian
boat people as a reason for suspending refugee processing. Instead, the new policy
became one of regional “safe havens” where interdicted Haitians who expressed a fear of
5 For a complete analysis of U.S. policy on Haitian migration through 1992, see CRS Report 93-
233, Asylum Seekers: Haitians in Comparative Context, by Ruth Ellen Wasem. (Archived report
available from author.)

---

CRS-4
persecution could stay, but they would not be allowed to come to the United States. In
1993, in-country refugee processing was further expanded to Les Cayes and Cape Haiten.
Haitian Refugee Immigration Fairness Act (HRIFA). When Congress
enacted the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (NACARA) in
November 1997 that enabled Nicaraguans and Cubans to become legal permanent
residents and permitted certain unsuccessful Central American and East European asylum
applicants to seek another form of immigration relief, it opted not to include Haitian
asylum seekers. The following year, Congress enacted the Haitian Refugee Immigration
Fairness Act (HRIFA) of 1998 (S. 1504/H.R. 3049) that enabled Haitians who filed
asylum claims or who were paroled into the United States before December 31, 1995, to
adjust to legal permanent residence. HRIFA was added to the FY1999 Omnibus
Consolidated and Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act (P.L. 105-277) at the
close of the 105th Congress.6 According to the most recent data available, a total of
15,494 Haitians have adjusted under HRIFA as of FY2002.
Mandatory Detention of Aliens in Expedited Removal. Since enactment of
the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996 (P.L.
104-208), aliens arriving in the United States without proper immigration documents are
immediately placed in expedited removal. If an alien expresses a fear of being forced to
return home, the immigration inspector refers the alien to a asylum officer who
determines whether the person has a “credible fear.” IIRIRA requires that those aliens
must be kept in detention while their “credible fear” cases are pending.7 As a result, those
Haitians who do make it to U.S. shores and do express a fear of repatriation are placed in
detention. After the credible fear determination, the case is referred to an Executive
Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) immigration judge for an asylum and removal
hearing, (during which time there is no statutory requirement that aliens be detained).
EOIR granted asylum to 477 Haitians in FY2002 and to 369 in FY2001.
National Security Risk. On November 13, 2002, the INS published a notice
clarifying that certain aliens arriving by sea who are not admitted or paroled are to be
placed in expedited removal proceedings and detained (subject to humanitarian parole).8
This notice concluded that illegal mass migration by sea threatened national security
because it diverts the Coast Guard and other resources from their homeland security
duties. The Attorney General expanded on this rationale in his April 17, 2003, ruling that
instructs EOIR immigration judges to consider “national security interests implicated by
the encouragement of further unlawful mass migrations...” in making bond determinations
regarding release from detention of unauthorized migrants who arrive in “the United
States by sea seeking to evade inspection.”9 The case involved a Haitian who had come
ashore in Biscayne Bay, Florida, on October 29, 2002, and had been released on bond by
6 CRS Report 98-270, Immigration: Haitian Relief Issues and Legislation, by Ruth Ellen Wasem.
7 For more discussion of detention policy, see CRS Report RL31606, Detention of Noncitizens
in the United States, by Alison Siskin and Margaret Mikyung Lee.
8 Federal Register, vol. 67, no. 219, pp. 68923-68926 (Nov. 13, 2002).
9 23 I&N Dec. 572 (A.G. 2003).

---

CRS-5
an immigration judge. EOIR’s Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) had upheld his
release, but the Attorney General vacated the BIA decision.10
Changing Administrative Roles. Now that the Homeland Security Act of 2002
(P.L. 107-296) abolished INS and transferred its functions from the Department of Justice
(DOJ) to several bureaus in the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the
responsibilities for Haitian migrants are spread across DHS’s Coast Guard (interdiction),
Customs and Border Protection (apprehensions and inspections), Immigration and
Customs Enforcement (detention), Citizenship and Immigration Services (credible fear
determination) and DOJ’s Executive Office for Immigration Review (asylum and removal
hearings). It is evident from the Attorney General’s April 17, 2003 ruling, however, that
he will continue to play a key role in setting asylum and removal policy. Meanwhile,
DHS has finalized its plan to respond to mass migration emergencies, known as “Vigilant
Century.”
Current Issues
Parole from Detention. DOJ acknowledges that it instructed field operations “to
adjust parole criteria with respect to all inadmissible Haitians arriving in South Florida
after December 3, 2001, and that none of them should be paroled without the approval of
INS headquarters.”11 The Administration maintains that paroling Haitians (as is typically
done for aliens who meet the credible fear threshold) may encourage other Haitians to
embark on the “risky sea travel” and “potentially trigger a mass asylum from Haiti to the
United States.” The Administration further argues that all migrants who arrive by sea
pose a risk to national security and warns that terrorists may pose as Haitian asylum
seekers.
Critics of the Administration’s Haitian parole policy focus on the 167 Haitians
detained after their boat ran aground in South Florida on December 3, 2001, a majority
of whom reportedly passed the initial credible fear hearing. Critics maintain that the
Haitians are being singled out for more restrictive treatment.12 They challenge the view
that Haitians pose a risk to “national security” and assert that the term is being construed
too broadly, being applied arbitrarily to Haitian asylum seekers, and causing a waste of
limited resources.13
10 CRS Congressional Distribution Memorandum, Policy Implications of Department of Justice
Ruling on Bond Determinations for Unauthorized Aliens in Detention, by Alison Siskin, May 1,
2003.
11 Letter from Daniel J. Bryant, Assistant Attorney General, to Sens. Edward Kennedy and Sam
Brownback, dated Sept. 25, 2002.
12 U.S. Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Immigration, Hearing on the
Detention and Treatment of Haitian Asylum Seekers, Oct. 1, 2002. (Hereafter cited as Senate
Subcommittee on Immigration, Hearing on Haitian Asylum Seekers.) Available at
[http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate/pdf/107hrg/88613.pdf].
13 George Lardner Jr., “More Illegal Immigrants Can Be Held Ashcroft’s Ruling Cites National
Security Issues,” The Washington Post, Apr. 25, 2003, p. A6.

---

CRS-6
Access to Legal Counsel. Concern has also arisen that the detention of Haitians
is interfering with access to legal counsel to aid with their asylum cases. According to
recent testimony, attorneys in South Florida for the Haitians maintain that they face
various obstacles, including restricted hours to meet with clients and a serious lack of
adequate visitation space. Pro bono lawyers working with Haitians housed in the Krome
Detention Center and the Turner Guilford Knight Correctional Center argued that they
experienced long delays waiting to see clients.14 Others point out that the expedited
removal provisions in INA were enacted to do just that — expedite removals. Aliens
without proper immigration documents who try to enter the United States, they argue,
should not be afforded the same procedural and legal rights as aliens who enter legally.
Contrast with Cubans. U.S. immigration policy toward migrants from Cuba and
Haiti are often discussed in tandem because there are several key points of comparison.15
Both nations have a history of repressive governments with documented human rights
violations. Both countries have a history of sending asylum seekers to the United States
by boats. Finally, although U.S. immigration law is generally applied neutrally without
regard to country of origin, there are special laws and agreements pertaining to both
Cubans and Haitians (as discussed above).16 Despite these points of similarity, the
treatment of Cubans fleeing to the United States differs from that of Haitians. Cuban
migrants receive more generous treatment under U.S. law than Haitians or foreign
nationals from any other country. This policy is embodied in the Cuban Adjustment Act
(CAA) of 1966 (P.L. 89-73), as amended, which provides that certain Cubans who have
been physically present in the United States for at least one year may adjust to permanent
residence status at the discretion of the Attorney General. As a consequence of special
migration agreements with Cuba, a “wet foot/dry foot” practice toward Cuban migrants
has evolved. Put simply, Cubans who do not reach the shore (i.e., dry land), are
interdicted and returned to Cuba unless they cite fears of persecution. Those Cubans who
successfully reach the shore are inspected for entry by DHS and generally permitted to
stay and adjust under CAA the following year.
Tropical Storm Jeanne. On September 21, 2004, the U.S. Ambassador declared
Haiti a disaster due to the magnitude of the effects of Tropical Storm Jeanne. Massive
flooding caused by the storm left 3,006 people dead, and 300,000 homeless. An estimated
80% of crops were destroyed. Some have called for Secretary Ridge to grant TPS to
Haitians in the United States. They maintain that Haiti temporarily cannot handle the
return of nationals due to the environmental disaster and that there are extraordinary and
temporary conditions in Haiti that prevent Haitians from returning safely. Others warn
that any policy shift would prompt a mass exodus of Haitians, which in turn would divert
and strain homeland security resources.
14 Senate Subcommittee on Immigration, Hearing on Haitian Asylum Seekers.
15 CRS Report RS20468, Cuban Migration Policy and Issues, by Ruth Ellen Wasem.
16 For analysis of conditions in Haiti, see CRS Report RL32294, Haiti: Developments and U.S.
Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns, by Maureen Taft-Morales. For a
discussion of U.S.-Cuba relations, see CRS Report RL32730, Cuba: Issues for the 109th
Congress, by Mark P. Sullivan.

---