Order Code IB10137
CRS Issue Brief for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Clean Air Act Issues in the 109th Congress
Updated January 3, 2005
James E. McCarthy
Resources, Science, and Industry Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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CONTENTS
SUMMARY
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Clear Skies / Multi-Pollutant Legislation
Mercury from Power Plants
New Source Review (NSR)
MTBE and Ethanol
Conformity of Transportation Plans and SIPs

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Clean Air Act Issues in the 109th Congress
SUMMARY
Major amendments to the Clean Air Act
required would have excess allowances to sell
could be among the first items on the agenda
to others or to bank for future use. The costs
of the 109th Congress. Many of these issues
and benefits of various levels of control, the
are holdovers from the 108th Congress, but
availability of control technology, and legal
they have gained new impetus as a result of
issues related to the mercury standard are
the election and looming judicial and legisla-
among the issues Congress and EPA face.
tive deadlines. Specific issues include what to
do about emissions of mercury and other
Besides Clear Skies, several other bills
pollutants from coal-fired electric power
were introduced on these issues in the 108th
plants; whether to prohibit use of the gasoline
Congress: all of these had more stringent
additive MTBE; and how to insure the confor-
deadlines than Clear Skies and many set a cap
mity of local plans for transportation and clean
on emissions of carbon dioxide in addition to
air. Underlying the specific issues are broad
the other three pollutants.
questions regarding the role of federal versus
state governments and the appropriateness of
A second set of issues Congress may face
economic versus regulatory approaches.
involves the regulation of motor fuels, particu-
larly the additives used in reformulated gaso-
The regulation of mercury is the most
line. One particular additive, MTBE, has
immediate issue. The Environmental Protec-
contaminated groundwater in numerous states,
tion Agency faces a judicial deadline of March
leading 19 states (notably California and New
15, 2005, to promulgate standards for mercury
York) to ban or limit its use. In the last three
emissions from electric power plants. The
years, both the House and the Senate have
agency has also proposed what it calls the
passed bills to ban MTBE nationwide, but
Clean Air Interstate Rule, which would cap
final passage of these provisions has proven
emissions of sulfur dioxide and nitrogen
elusive. Remaining issues include whether to
oxides from power plants in 29 eastern states.
grant MTBE producers a safe harbor from
Rather than promulgate these rules, the Ad-
product liability lawsuits; how much stimulus
ministration would prefer that Congress pass
to provide for the potential MTBE replace-
the Clear Skies Act, which would replace the
ment, ethanol; and whether to address the
mercury requirement and half a dozen other
proliferation of what are called boutique fuels
Clean Air Act regulatory programs with a
— fuel requirements unique to individual
market-based approach to controlling power
states or metropolitan areas.
plant pollution. Under Clear Skies, there
would be national caps on emissions of three
A third set of issues that may see early
pollutants (mercury, sulfur dioxide, and nitro-
action is whether to modify the requirement
gen oxides); utilities would receive allow-
that state and local transportation planners
ances based on a formula provided in the bill;
demonstrate conformity between their trans-
and a trading regime would permit compliance
portation plans and the timely achievement of
through installation of pollution controls or
air quality standards. Failure to do so can lead
the purchase and use of excess allowances. As
to a temporary suspension of federal highway
in the successful program for acid rain, units
funds. This issue brief will be updated on a
that control pollution more or sooner than
regular basis.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
The 108th Congress adjourned December 8, 2004, without taking final action on pending
amendments to the Clean Air Act. Both the House and the Senate had passed amendments
addressing reformulated gasoline, renewable fuels, and use of the gasoline additive MTBE
as part of a comprehensive energy bill, H.R. 6. The Senate could not muster sufficient votes
to terminate debate on the conference version of the bill, however, and the bill died.
The House and Senate also passed versions of surface transportation legislation that
were not ultimately enacted. The bills would have modified Clean Air Act requirements that
transportation projects funded by the federal government “conform” to clean air
implementation plans. A House-Senate conference did not report an agreed version of the
bill.
On December 17, 2004, EPA designated 224 counties in 20 states and the District of
Columbia as “nonattainment areas” for a new fine particle (PM ) air quality standard. On
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April 15, 2004, the agency had designated 474 counties in 32 states and D.C. as
nonattainment areas for a new 8-hour ozone standard. Amendments that would have
modified some of the implementation procedures for areas affected by upwind pollution were
attached to the energy bill (H.R. 6), which was not enacted.
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Despite steady improvements in air quality in many of the United States’ most polluted
cities, the goal of clean air continues to elude the nation. The most widespread problems
involve ozone and fine particles. As of December 2004, 159 million people lived in areas
classified “nonattainment” for the ozone National Ambient Air Quality Standard; 95 million
lived in areas that were nonattainment for fine particles (PM ).
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Air quality has improved substantially since the passage of the Clean Air Act in 1970:
annual emissions of the six most widespread (“criteria”) air pollutants have declined almost
154 million tons (51%), despite major increases in population, motor vehicle miles traveled,
and economic activity. Meanwhile, however, scientific understanding of the health effects
of air pollution has caused EPA to tighten standards for ozone and fine particles. The agency
attributes 15,000 premature deaths and millions of lost work days annually to exceedance of
the PM standard alone. Recent research has begun to tie ozone pollution to premature
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mortality as well. Thus, there is continuing pressure to tighten air quality standards, and
attention has focused on major sources of pollution, such as coal-fired power plants and
mobile sources.
With this background in mind, the remainder of this issue brief provides an overview
of five prominent air issues that may be of interest in the 109th Congress: multi-pollutant (or
Clear Skies) legislation for electric power plants; mercury from power plants; the gasoline
additives MTBE and ethanol; EPA’s regulatory program for large stationary sources of
pollution, known as New Source Review; and the “conformity” of transportation and clean
air planning. The issue brief provides an overview: most of these issues are addressed at
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greater length in separate CRS reports, which contain more information and detailed sources.
These other CRS reports are referenced in the appropriate sections.
Clear Skies / Multi-Pollutant Legislation. Coal-fired power plants are among the
largest sources of air pollution in the United States. Under the current version of the Clean
Air Act, they are not necessarily subject to stringent requirements. Emissions and the
required control equipment can vary depending on the location of the plant, when it was
constructed, whether it has undergone major modifications, the specific type of coal it burns,
and, to some extent, the vagaries of EPA enforcement policies. There are more than half a
dozen separate Clean Air Act programs that could potentially be used to control emissions,
which makes compliance strategy complicated for utilities and difficult for regulators. And,
since the cost of the most stringent available controls, for the entire industry, could range into
the tens of billions of dollars, utilities have fought hard and rather successfully to limit or
delay regulation.
As a result, emissions from power plants have not been reduced as much as those from
some other sources. Many plants built in the 1950s or 1960s (generally referred to as
“grandfathered” plants) have little emission control equipment. Collectively, these plants are
large sources of pollution. In 2003, power plants accounted for nearly 11 million tons of
sulfur dioxide (SO ) emissions (69% of the U.S. total), about 45 tons of mercury emissions
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(at least one-third of the U.S. total), and nearly 4.5 million tons of nitrogen oxides (21.5%
of the U.S. total). Power plants are also considered major sources of fine particles (PM )
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and account for nearly 40% of U.S. anthropogenic emissions of the greenhouse gas carbon
dioxide.
An example of their importance was seen in the August 2003 Northeast blackout. With
about 100 power plants (most of them coal-fired) shut down, researchers found that ambient
levels of SO and ozone were 90% and 50% lower, respectively, in blacked-out areas.
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With new ambient air quality standards for ozone and fine particles taking effect,
emissions of NOx (which contributes to the formation of ozone) and SO (which is among
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the sources of fine particles) need to be reduced. Mercury emissions have also been a focus
of concern: 45 states have issued fish consumption advisories for mercury, covering 12
million acres of lakes, 473,000 river miles, and the coastal waters of 10 entire states. The
continuing controversy over the interpretation of New Source Review requirements for
existing power plants (described in a separate section below) is also exerting pressure for a
more predictable regulatory structure.
Thus, many in industry, environmental groups, Congress, and the Administration agree
that the time is ripe for legislation that addresses power plant pollution in a comprehensive
(multi-pollutant) fashion. Such legislation (dubbed “Clear Skies” by the Administration)
would address the major pollutants on a coordinated schedule, and would rely, to a large
extent, on a system like that used in the acid rain program, where national or regional caps
on emissions are implemented through a system of tradeable allowances. The key questions
have been how stringent the caps should be, and whether carbon dioxide (CO ) will be
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among the emissions subject to a cap.
Regarding the stringency issue, Clear Skies and the other bills introduced in the 108th
Congress would have required reduction of NOx emissions to 1.5 or 1.7 million tons per year
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(a 70%-80% reduction from 1998 levels) and reduction of sulfur dioxide emissions to 2.23-
3.0 million tons per year (also a reduction of 70%-80% versus 1998). Regarding mercury,
the bills would have either required EPA to determine the level of reductions, or required
reductions of 70%-90% from current levels of emissions (from 48 to 5, 10, or 15 tons
annually, depending on the bill).
In the most stringent of the bills (Senator Jeffords’s S. 366 and Representative
Waxman’s H.R. 2042), these reductions would have taken place by 2008 or 2009. Four of
the bills (Senator Jeffords’s, Representative Waxman’s, Senator Carper’s S. 843, and
Representative Bass’s H.R. 3093) would also have set caps on CO emissions, at the level
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emitted in 1990 or 2000. (For additional information and a detailed comparison of the
legislative proposals, see CRS Report RL31779, Air Quality: Multi-Pollutant Legislation in
the 108th Congress, and CRS Report RL31881, Mercury Emissions to the Air: Regulatory
and Legislative Proposals.)
The Administration’s “Clear Skies” bill (H.R. 999/S. 485 in the 108th Congress) and a
variant of it introduced later by Senator Inhofe (S. 1844) envisioned less stringent standards
than those in the other bills, phased in over a much longer period of time. For NOx, the
Administration would have reduced emissions to 1.7 million tons per year, but not until
2018; an intermediate limit of 2.1 million tons would have been imposed in 2008. For sulfur
dioxide, the limit would have been 3.0 million tons annually, also in 2018, with an
intermediate limit of 4.5 million tons in 2010. For mercury, the limit would have been 26
tons per year in 2010, declining to 15 tons in 2018. (The Inhofe bill changed the interim
mercury limit to 34 tons.)
Because the deadlines are far in the future, the Administration’s analysis shows that
utilities would be likely to “overcomply” in the early years of the program. The
Administration uses this as a selling point for its approach, arguing that it will achieve
reductions sooner than would a traditional regulatory approach with the same deadlines. To
reverse the common saying, every silver lining has its cloud, however. Overcompliance in
the early years would lead to “banked” emission allowances; these could be used in later
years to delay achievement of required reductions. In its analysis of the bill, EPA does not
expect to see the full 70% emission reductions until 2026 or later, a point seized upon by its
opponents to support a more aggressive approach.
In return for establishing its new cap and trade program, Clear Skies would also
eliminate or restrict numerous existing Clean Air Act requirements with respect to electric
generating units, including New Source Review, New Source Performance Standards,
Prevention of Significant Deterioration, Lowest Achievable Emission Rate standards, Best
Available Retrofit Technology, and regulations under development to control mercury
emissions from electric utilities. It also would remove deadlines for local areas to achieve
ozone and particulate standards under certain conditions. The other bills generally would
leave these existing controls in place.
Clear Skies includes no cap on CO emissions. It is a three-pollutant (SO , NOx,
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mercury) bill, whereas most competing bills have addressed four pollutants (the three plus
CO ). The Administration views controls on CO as a step toward implementing the Kyoto
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Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which it opposes
for a variety of reasons, principally the potential economic impacts on U.S. industries.
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The absence of CO from the mix leads to different strategies for achieving compliance,
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preserving more of a market for coal, and lessening the degree to which power producers
might switch to natural gas or renewable fuels as a compliance strategy. In its opposition to
CO controls, the Administration is supported by most in the utility and coal industries.
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Others, mostly outside these industries but including some utilities, view CO controls as
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inevitable, if not desirable, and support simultaneous implementation of cap and trade
programs for CO and the other pollutants.
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Although stalled for the past three years, Clear Skies is said to be set for early
consideration in the 109th Congress — particularly in the Senate, where gains by Republicans
may have provided some of the additional votes it appears to need for passage. How quickly
(or whether) the bill moves toward passage may be viewed as an early test of the
Administration’s clout in the new Congress.
Mercury from Power Plants. In addition to sending the Clear Skies bill to
Congress, EPA has proposed regulations addressing mercury, SO , and NOx under its
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existing legislative authority. (These proposals appeared in the Federal Register January 30,
2004.) The agency was required by the terms of a 1998 consent agreement to propose
Maximum Achievable Control Technology (MACT) standards under Section 112 of the
Clean Air Act for emissions of hazardous air pollutants (principally mercury and nickel)
from electric power plants by December 15, 2003. The agency’s proposal offered two
alternatives, one of which would be chosen after review of public comment and further
analysis, and promulgated by March 15, 2005. The first alternative met the agency’s
requirement under the consent agreement by proposing MACT standards. The standards
would apply on a facility-by-facility basis, and would result in emissions of 34 tons of
mercury annually, a reduction of about 30% from the 1999 level. They would take effect in
2008, three years after promulgation, with possible one-year extensions.
The second mercury alternative would use Section 111(d) of the act, a section of the act
rarely used before — and never for hazardous air pollutants. Under this proposal, there
would be a national “cap and trade” system for power plant emissions of mercury. As in
Clear Skies, the cap would be 15 tons of emissions nationwide in 2018 (about a 70%
reduction from 1999 levels). There would also be an intermediate cap in 2010. EPA did not
specify this cap, except to say that it would be the level of reductions achieved under its
Interstate Air Quality (or Clean Air Interstate) Rule, as explained below. The caps would be
implemented through an allowance system similar to that used in the acid rain program,
through which utilities could either control the pollutant directly or purchase excess
allowances from other plants that have controlled more stringently than was required. As
with Clear Skies, early reductions could be banked for later use, which the agency says
would result in reductions being achieved sooner than required. If this happens, however,
it would also mean that the full 70% reduction would be delayed well beyond 2018, as
utilities used up their banked allowances rather than installing further controls.
One of the main criticisms of the cap and trade proposal is that it would not address “hot
spots,” areas where mercury emissions and/or concentrations in water bodies are greater than
elsewhere. It would allow a facility to purchase allowances and avoid any emission controls,
if that compliance approach makes the most sense to the plant’s owners and operators. If
plants near hot spots do so, the cap and trade system may not have an impact on mercury
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concentrations at the most contaminated sites. By contrast, a MACT standard requires
reductions at all plants, and would therefore be expected to improve conditions at hot spots.
The Section 111 mercury proposal mirrors the approach of Clear Skies, as does EPA’s
simultaneous proposal to regulate emissions of SO and NOx from power plants in 29 eastern
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states and the District of Columbia. This proposal (the Interstate Air Quality Rule, IAQR,
or Clean Air Interstate Rule, CAIR) is designed to reduce interstate transport of fine
particulates (PM ) and ozone in order to facilitate attainment of EPA’s new PM and ozone
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standards. Like the mercury proposal, the IAQR would establish a cap and trade program,
with caps in 2010 and 2015.
Many argue that the mercury regulations should be more stringent or implemented more
quickly. To a large extent, these arguments and EPA’s counterarguments rest on
assumptions concerning the availability of control technologies. Controlling SO , NOx, and
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mercury simultaneously, as the agency prefers, would allow utilities to maximize “co-
benefits” of emission controls. Controls such as scrubbers and fabric filters, both of which
are widely used today to control SO and particulates, have the side effect (or co-benefit) of
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reducing mercury emissions to some extent. EPA has attempted to calibrate the required SO2
and mercury standards to substantially reduce the costs of compliance. In fact, under EPA’s
preferred (cap and trade) mercury proposal, the 2010 mercury emission standard would be
set at the level of these co-benefits. Thus, no controls would be required to specifically
address mercury emissions until 2018, and the costs specific to controlling mercury before
then would be zero. The agency’s MACT alternative, which would take effect in early 2008,
makes the same technology assumptions. It sets a limit of 34 tons of mercury emissions, a
reduction of only 29% compared to 1999 levels (and probably less if compared to current
emissions).
Besides citing the cost advantage of relying on co-benefits, EPA claims that technology
specifically designed to control mercury emissions (such as activated carbon injection, ACI)
would not be generally available until after 2010, but this assertion is disputed. ACI and
fabric filters have been in use on municipal waste and medical waste incinerators for nearly
a decade, and have been successfully demonstrated on at least four coal-fired power plants.
Manufacturers of pollution controls and many others maintain that, if the agency required the
use of ACI and fabric filters at power plants, reductions in mercury emissions as great as
90% could be achieved at reasonable cost in the immediate future.
The agency can take cost into consideration under the MACT rules, and cost to electric
utilities appears to have been a determining factor in EPA’s analysis. But calculations of
overall societal costs seem to support the imposition of a more stringent standard. The
agency projects MACT compliance costs at $945 million per year, versus quantifiable annual
benefits (from longer lives and less illness) of more than $15 billion (a 16 to 1 advantage).
The CAIR rule would achieve greater reductions of mercury and have a benefit-cost ratio of
21 to 1. If minimizing costs to society is the criterion, a more stringent standard would better
achieve that end.
In addition to the arguments over technology availability and cost, it is unclear whether
EPA has legislative authority to establish a cap and trade program for mercury: many argue
that the agency is required by the statute to impose MACT standards on each individual plant
once it has decided to control mercury emissions. Questions have also arisen regarding the
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role of industry lobbyists in crafting portions of the EPA proposal. For many of these
reasons, 45 Senators wrote EPA Administrator Leavitt at the beginning of April 2004 to
request that he withdraw the mercury proposal and begin over. In June, 178 House members
wrote Leavitt that they hoped further review “will lead to a stronger final rule.” If
promulgated in a form similar to the agency’s proposal, it appears likely the rule will be
subject to court challenge. (For additional information on the mercury and IAQR proposals,
see CRS Report RL31881, Mercury Emissions to the Air: Regulatory and Legislative
Proposals, and CRS Report RL32273, Air Quality: EPA’s Proposed Interstate Air Quality
Rule.)
New Source Review (NSR). A related issue that has driven some of the debate over
the regulation of power plant emissions is whether EPA has adequately enforced existing
regulations, using a process called New Source Review. EPA took a more aggressive stance
on New Source Review under the Clinton Administration, filing lawsuits against 13 utilities
for violations at 51 plants in 13 states. The Bush Administration has made little headway in
settling the suits or bringing the cases to trial, and has proposed major changes that critics
argue will gut New Source Review as it pertains to modifications of existing plants. EPA
promulgated changes to these rules on December 31, 2002, and October 27, 2003, the net
effect of which will be to allow modification of numerous existing major sources of air
pollution without subjecting them to current emission standards.
The controversy over the NSR process stems from EPA’s application of New Source
Performance Standards to existing stationary sources of air pollution that have been
modified. The Clean Air Act states that new sources (subject to NSR) include modifications
of existing sources as well as plants that are totally new. Industry has generally avoided the
NSR process, however, by claiming that changes to existing sources were “routine
maintenance” rather than modifications. In the 1990s, EPA began reviewing records of
electric utilities, petroleum refineries, and other industries to determine whether the changes
were routine. As a result of these reviews, since late 1999, EPA and the Department of
Justice have filed suit against or settled with 17 electric utilities that EPA claims made major
modifications to 64 plants in 16 states, extending their lives and increasing their electric
generating capacity without undergoing required New Source Reviews and without installing
best available pollution controls. With four exceptions, these suits were filed during the
Clinton Administration.
Six of the 17 utilities charged with NSR violations (Tampa Electric, PSEG of New
Jersey, Dominion Resources/Virginia Electric Power, Wisconsin Electric Power, Southern
Indiana Gas and Electric, and South Carolina Public Service Authority/Santee Cooper) have
settled with EPA, agreeing to spend more than $3.5 billion over the next decade on pollution
controls or fuel switching in order to reduce emissions at their affected units. One other
utility (Cinergy) reached agreement in principle four years ago to spend more than $1 billion
to resolve NSR violations, but final settlement negotiations have not been concluded. The
company recently announced that it would voluntarily spend between $1.65 billion and $2.15
billion over the next decade to reduce emissions of SO , NOx, and mercury. An eighth
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utility, the Tennessee Valley Authority, has announced plans to spend $1.5 billion to reduce
emissions at four of its plants, although not as part of a settlement agreement. Since July 25,
2000, the agency also reached 12 agreements with petroleum refiners representing more than
40% of industry capacity. The refiners agreed to settle potential charges of NSR violations
by paying fines and installing equipment to eliminate 200,000 tons of pollution.
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Most of the utilities have not settled with EPA. They and other critics of the agency’s
enforcement actions claim that EPA reinvented the rules. They contend that a strict
interpretation of what constitutes routine maintenance will prevent them from making
changes that were previously allowed, without a commitment of time and money for permit
reviews and the installation of expensive pollution control equipment. This provides
disincentives for power producers, refiners, and others to expand output at existing facilities,
they maintain.
The first case involving one of the non-settling utilities went to trial in February 2003.
In an August 7, 2003, decision, U.S. District Judge Edmund Sargus found that Ohio Edison
had violated the Clean Air Act 11 times in modifying its W. H. Sammis power plant.
Penalties are to be determined in a separate trial that has been delayed, pending settlement
negotiations.
EPA has promulgated five sets of changes to NSR. The most controversial are new
regulations defining what constitutes routine maintenance, which is exempt from review.
These changes appeared in the Federal Register on October 27, 2003. The new regulations
would exempt industrial facilities from undergoing NSR (and thus from installing new
emission controls) if they are replacing safety, reliability, and efficiency rated components
with new, functionally equivalent equipment, and if the cost of the replacement components
is less than 20% of the replacement value of the process unit. Using this benchmark, few,
if any, plant modifications would trigger new pollution controls.
These changes are highly controversial. The Administration and its supporters have
characterized them as streamlining or improving the program; others see them as
permanently “grandfathering” older, more polluting facilities from ever having to meet the
clean air standards required of newer plants. On the day the first set of changes were
promulgated (December 31, 2002), nine northeastern states filed suit to overturn them. In
addition, 14 states and numerous municipalities have filed suit to block the “routine
maintenance” portion of the rule. This portion of the rule was stayed by the U.S. Court of
Appeals for the D.C. Circuit on December 24, 2003.
Implementation of the changes also raises questions about EPA’s ongoing NSR
enforcement actions. While the agency stated in the new rule that “we do not intend our
actions today to create retroactive applicability for today’s rule,” continued pursuit of the
enforcement actions filed during the Clinton Administration would create a double standard
for utilities, with one set of rules applicable to those utilities unlucky enough to have been
cited for violations prior to promulgation of the new rule, and a different standard applicable
afterward. Despite earlier agency denials that the rule would affect ongoing investigations,
in early November 2003, EPA’s enforcement chief, J. P. Suarez, and another EPA official
were reported to have indicated that the agency would drop enforcement actions against 47
facilities that had already received notices of violation, and would drop investigations of
possible violations at an additional 70 power companies. Agency staff who were involved
in the enforcement actions argue that the prospect of an NSR rollback caused utilities already
charged with violations to withdraw from settlement negotiations over the pending lawsuits,
delaying emission reductions that could have been achieved in the near future. (For
additional information, see CRS Report RS21608, Clean Air and New Source Review:
Defining Routine Maintenance, and CRS Report RL31757, Clean Air: New Source Review
Policies and Proposals.)
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At Congress’s direction, the National Academy of Sciences began a review of the NSR
program in May 2004, with an expected completion date of December 2005. Besides the
NAS study, on April 21, 2003, the National Academy of Public Administration released a
report commissioned by Congress that made sweeping recommendations to modify NSR.
The study panel recommended that Congress end the “grandfathering” of major air emission
sources, by requiring all major sources that have not obtained an NSR permit since 1977 to
install Best Available Control Technology or Lowest Achievable Emissions Rate control
equipment. In the interim, the NAPA panel concluded, EPA and the Department of Justice
should continue to enforce NSR vigorously, especially for changes at existing facilities.
MTBE and Ethanol. Another set of issues that awaits the 109th Congress, regulation
of the gasoline additives MTBE and ethanol, has also been considered by several previous
Congresses. In the 108th Congress, the issues had a prominent place in H.R. 6, the
comprehensive energy bill that passed the House and Senate and emerged from conference,
before failing in the Senate on a cloture vote.
MTBE is used to meet Clean Air Act requirements that reformulated gasoline (RFG),
sold in the nation’s worst ozone nonattainment areas, contain at least 2% oxygen, to improve
combustion. Under the RFG program, areas with “severe” or “extreme” ozone pollution (90
counties with a combined population of 64.8 million) must use reformulated gas; areas with
less severe ozone pollution may opt into the program as well, and many have. In all, portions
of 17 states and the District of Columbia use RFG, and about 30% of the gasoline sold in the
United States is RFG.
The law requires that RFG contain at least 2% oxygen by weight. Refiners can meet
this requirement by adding a number of ethers or alcohols, any of which contains oxygen and
other elements. By far the most commonly used oxygenate has been MTBE. In 1999, 87%
of RFG contained MTBE, a number reduced to 56% by late 2003. MTBE has also been used
since the late 1970s in non-reformulated gasoline, as an octane enhancer, at lower
concentrations. As a result, gasoline with MTBE has been used virtually everywhere in the
United States, whether or not an area has been subject to RFG requirements.
MTBE leaks, generally from underground gasoline storage tanks, have been implicated
in numerous incidents of ground water contamination. The substance creates taste and odor
problems in water at very low concentrations, and some animal studies indicate it may pose
a potential cancer risk to humans. For these reasons, 19 states have taken steps to ban or
regulate its use. The most significant of the bans (in California, New York, and Connecticut)
took effect at the end of 2003, leading many to suggest that Congress revisit the issue to
modify the oxygenate requirement and set more uniform national requirements regarding
MTBE and its potential replacements (principally ethanol).
Support for eliminating the oxygen requirement on a nationwide basis is widespread
among environmental groups, the petroleum industry, and states. In general, these groups
have concluded that gasoline can meet the same low emission performance standards as RFG
without the use of oxygenates. But potential opposition to enacting legislation removing the
oxygen requirement arises from a number of agricultural interests. About 12% of the
nation’s corn crop is used to produce the competing oxygenate, ethanol. If MTBE use is
reduced or phased out, but the oxygen requirement remains in effect, ethanol use will soar,
increasing demand for corn. Ethanol use has already grown substantially as MTBE begins
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to be phased out. Conversely, if the oxygen requirement is waived by EPA or legislation, not
only will MTBE use decline, but likely, so would demand for ethanol. Thus, Members of
Congress and Senators from corn states have taken a keen interest in MTBE legislation.
H.R. 6 contained numerous MTBE and ethanol provisions in Title XV. They would
have banned the use of MTBE as a fuel additive, except in states that specifically authorized
its use, after December 31, 2014, unless the President determined not to ban it. The Clean
Air Act requirement to use MTBE or other oxygenates in RFG would have been repealed,
270 days after enactment. In place of this requirement, the bill would have provided a major
stimulus to the use of ethanol: under a renewable fuels standard (RFS), annual production
of gasoline would have been required to contain at least 5 billion gallons of ethanol or other
renewable fuel (about double the current production of ethanol) by 2012. To prevent
backsliding on air quality, the bill required that the reductions in emissions of toxic
substances achieved by RFG be maintained; it authorized $2 billion in grants to assist
merchant MTBE production facilities in converting to the production of other fuel additives.
The bill also authorized funds for MTBE cleanup, and perhaps most controversially, would
have provided a “safe harbor” from defective product liability lawsuits for producers of
MTBE, ethanol, and other renewable fuels: product liability lawsuits have been used to force
petroleum and chemical companies to pay for cleanup of ground and surface water
contaminated by releases of fuels containing MTBE. The safe harbor provision was cited
by numerous opponents of H.R. 6 in Senate debate on the conference report. (For a detailed
comparison of the House, Senate, and conference provisions of H.R. 6, see CRS Report
RL31912, Renewable Fuels and MTBE: Side-by-Side Comparison of House and Senate
Energy Bills and the Conference Report on H.R. 6. For additional background on the MTBE
issue, see CRS Report 98-290, MTBE in Gasoline: Clean Air and Drinking Water Issues.
For information on ethanol, see CRS Report RL30369, Fuel Ethanol: Background and
Public Policy Issues.)
Conformity of Transportation Plans and SIPs. A fifth clean air issue considered
virtually certain to return in the 109th Congress is the conformity of metropolitan area
transportation plans with the Clean Air Act. Under the act, areas that have not attained one
or more of the six National Ambient Air Quality Standards must develop State
Implementation Plans (SIPs) demonstrating how they will reach attainment. At least 124
areas with a combined population in excess of 159 million are subject to the SIP
requirements. Section 176 of the Clean Air Act prohibits federal agencies from funding
projects in these areas unless they “conform” to the SIPs. Specifically, projects must not
“cause or contribute to any new violation of any standard,” “increase the frequency or
severity of any existing violation,” or “delay timely attainment of any standard.” Because
new highways generally lead to an increase in vehicle miles traveled and related emissions,
both the statute and regulations require that an area’s Transportation Improvement Program
(TIP), which identifies major highway and transit projects an area will undertake,
demonstrate conformity each time it is revised (i.e., at least every two years). Highway and
transit projects in most nonattainment areas cannot receive federal funds unless they are part
of a conforming TIP.
The impact of conformity requirements is expected to grow in the next few years for
several reasons. The growth of emissions from SUVs and other light trucks and greater than
expected increases in vehicle miles traveled have both made it more difficult to demonstrate
conformity; court decisions have tightened the conformity rules; and the implementation of
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more stringent air quality standards for both ozone and fine particulates in 2004 means that
additional areas are subject to conformity. Thus, numerous metropolitan areas could face a
temporary suspension of highway and transit funds unless they impose sufficient reductions
in vehicle, industrial, or other emissions. In a 2003 report, the Government Accountability
Office (GAO) found that, over the preceding six years, only five metropolitan areas had to
change transportation plans in order to resolve a conformity lapse; but about one-third of
local transportation planners surveyed expected to have difficulty demonstrating conformity
in the future. (See U.S. GAO, Environmental Protection: Federal Planning Requirements
for Transportation and Air Quality Protection Could Potentially Be More Efficient and
Better Linked, April 2003.)
The Clean Air Act provides no authority for waivers of conformity, and the only grace
period allowed is for one year following an area’s initial designation as nonattainment. Only
a limited set of exempt projects (mostly safety-related or replacement and repair of existing
transit facilities) can be funded in lapsed areas: the rules do not even allow funding of new
projects that might reduce emissions, such as new transit lines. These limitations are among
the issues of concern. In addition, many have raised concerns about a mismatch between the
SIP, TIP, and long-range transportation planning cycles, and have called for less frequent,
but better coordinated, demonstrations of conformity.
In the 108th Congress, conformity provisions were contained in S. 1072, the surface
transportation bill passed by the Senate February 12, 2004, and H.R. 3550, the House version
that passed April 2, 2004. The Senate bill would have required less frequent conformity
demonstrations (at least every four years instead of every two years as in current law), and
would have shortened the planning horizon over which conformity must be demonstrated to
10 years in most cases, instead of the current 20 years. The House version of the bill was
similar, but it would have required that the local air pollution control agency agree if the
planning horizon were to be shortened. The House bill also would have established a 12-
month grace period following a failure to demonstrate conformity before a lapse would be
declared. Conferees began meeting to reconcile differences in the House and Senate bills on
June 14, 2004, but did not report a bill. (For additional information, see CRS Report
RL32106, Transportation Conformity Under the Clean Air Act: In Need of Reform?)
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