Order Code IB93085
CRS Issue Brief for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Jordan: U.S. Relations
and Bilateral Issues
Updated December 16, 2004
Alfred B. Prados
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

CONTENTS
SUMMARY
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Jordanian Issues of U.S. Interest
Stability of the Regime and Succession
Course of Domestic Reforms
Political
Economic
Reaction to Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001
Murder of a U.S. Diplomat
Plot
Jordan’s Role in the Peace Negotiations
Peace Agreements and Normalization
Opposition to Normalization
Further Arab-Israeli Negotiations
The West Bank and East Jerusalem
Hamas and Rejectionist Groups
Course of Jordanian-Iraqi Relations
Jordan and Operation Iraqi Freedom
Aftermath of the War
Recent Diplomatic Contacts
Iraq Training and Troop Support
Embassy Bombing
Sources of Oil Supply
Relations with Iran
U.S. Aid and Trade Issues
Aid and Funding Levels
Previous and Recent Aid
FY2003 Assistance
FY2004 Assistance
FY2005 Assistance
Debt Relief
Trade Issues
Free Trade Agreement
Qualifying Industrial Zones
Greater Middle East Initiative
Armed Forces Modernization
Military Equipment
Military Cooperation
Alternatives and Implications


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Jordan: U.S. Relations and Bilateral Issues
SUMMARY
The death of King Hussein on February
$225 million in annual U.S. assistance. Jor-
7, 1999, removed a strong U.S. ally and force
dan received $450 million in FY2003, plus
for stability; however, his son and successor,
over a billion dollars in a supplemental to help
King Abdullah, has continued to follow the
Jordan deal with added expenses resulting
late King’s moderate and pro-western policies.
from the war on terrorism and the war in Iraq.
In recent years, Jordan has taken significant
steps toward building democratic life, includ-
The Administration requested $250
ing a return to limited parliamentary democ-
million in economic assistance and $206
racy. Parliament has eased restrictions in laws
million in military assistance for Jordan in
affecting the press, but some remain.
FY2004. These amounts were included in the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2004,
Several issues in U.S.-Jordanian relations
which was signed by the President as P.L.
are likely to figure in decisions by Congress
108-199 on January 23, 2004. Also, on
and the Administration on future aid to and
November 6, 2003, the President signed H.R.
cooperation with Jordan. These include the
3289, the Emergency Supplemental Appropri-
stability of the Jordanian regime, democratic
ation for Defense and the Reconstruction of
reform under way in Jordan, the role of Jordan
Iraq and Afghanistan, 2004, as P.L. 108-106.
in the Arab-Israeli peace process, Jordan’s
This act contains an additional $100 million
concerns over the U.S.-led campaign against
for Jordan in economic assistance.
Iraq in 2003, and its relations with other
regional states. King Abdullah expressed
The Administration requested $250
Jordan’s “absolute condemnation” of the
million in economic and $206 million in
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the
military aid for Jordan in FY2005. These
U.S. and was the first Arab head of state to
amounts were included in the Consolidated
visit President Bush after the attacks. Jordan
Appropriations Act, FY2005, which was
sent military medical and mine clearing units
signed by the President as P.L. 108-447 on
to Afghanistan in December 2001 to support
December 8, 2004.
the U.S.-led campaign against terrorism, and
a field hospital to Iraq in April 2003 during
Several alternative scenarios could de-
Operation Iraqi Freedom.
velop in Jordan: a continuation of the current
course toward democracy under the present
On October 24, 2000, the United States
regime; a return to a more autocratic political
and Jordan signed a free trade agreement. On
system; or fundamental changes in the charac-
September 28, 2001, President Bush signed a
ter or configuration of the Jordanian state.
bill to implement the agreement (H.R. 2603)
Steady democratic growth under the present
as P.L. 107-43.
regime would probably offer the best pros-
pects of supporting U.S. interests.
In each of the five fiscal years 1998
through 2002, Jordan received approximately
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MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
On November 28, 2004, King Abdullah divested his half brother Prince Hamzah of the
title of Crown Prince, stating that he took this step to give Hamzah “the freedom to work and
undertake any mission of responsibility I entrust you with.” King Abdullah did not name a
successor Crown Prince, but under Article 28 of the Jordanian constitution, Abdullah’s 10-
year-old son Hussein becomes heir to the throne unless the King designates another male
relative.
On December 8, 2004, President Bush signed H.R. 4818, the Consolidated
Appropriations Act, FY2005, as P.L. 108-447. The act contains the amounts of assistance
requested by the Administration for Jordan in FY2004: $250 million in economic and $206
million in military assistance.
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Although the United States and Jordan have never been linked by a formal treaty, they
have cooperated on a number of regional and international issues over the years. The
country’s small size and lack of major economic resources have made it dependent on aid
from Western and friendly Arab sources. U.S. support, in particular, has helped Jordan deal
with serious vulnerabilities, both internal and external. Jordan’s geographic position,
wedged between Israel, Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia, has made it vulnerable to the strategic
designs of its more powerful neighbors, but has also given Jordan an important role as a
buffer between these potential adversaries. In 1990, Jordan’s unwillingness to join the allied
coalition against Iraq disrupted its relations with the United States and the Persian Gulf
states; however, relations improved throughout the 1990s as Jordan played an increasing role
in the Arab-Israeli peace process and distanced itself from Iraq.
Jordanian Issues of U.S. Interest
Stability of the Regime and Succession
Jordan, created by colonial powers after World War I, initially consisted of desert or
semi-desert territory east of the Jordan River, inhabited largely by people of bedouin tribal
background. The establishment of the state of Israel brought large numbers of Palestinian
refugees to Jordan, which subsequently annexed a small Palestinian enclave west of the
Jordan River (the “West Bank” territory; see below). The original “East Bank” Jordanians,
through probably no longer a majority in Jordan, remain predominant in the country’s
political and military establishments and form the bedrock of support for the Jordanian
monarchy. Palestinians, who comprise an estimated 55% to 70% of the population, in many
cases tend to regard their stay in Jordan as temporary, and some are at most lukewarm in
their support for the Jordanian regime.
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Jordan in Brief
Population (July 2004):
5,611,202; growth rate: 2.67%
Area:
89,213 sq. km. (34,445 sq. mi., slightly smaller than Indiana)
Ethnic Groups:
Arabs 98%; Circassians 1%; Armenians 1%
Religion:
Sunni Muslim 92%; Christian 6%; small Muslim sects 2%
Literacy (2003):
91% (male 96%, female 86%)
GDP (2003):
$10.1 billion; real growth 3.2%
Inflation (2003):
2.4%
Unemployment (2002):
14.3% (official estimate); ca. 25% according to some unofficial estimates
Armed Forces (2003):
personnel 100,500; tanks 1,018; combat aircraft 101
External Debt (2003):
$7.8 billion
Sources: U.S. Dept. of State; Central Bank of Jordan; other U.S. and Jordanian government departments; The Economist
Intelligence Unit (London)
King Abdullah has generally followed the moderate and pro-Western policies of his
father, the late King Hussein, who had governed Jordan for 47 years before his death in early
1999. Educated largely in Britain and the United States, King Abdullah pursued a military
career, ultimately serving as commander of Jordan’s Special Operations Forces with the rank
of Major General before acceding to the throne. Despite the gap left by the death of King
Hussein, most observers agree that King Abdullah has been successful in consolidating his
rule and has won respect for his hands-on style of governing. At the same time, he faces
challenges from various internal groups — particularly Palestinians, Islamic fundamentalists,
and professional organizations — that generally oppose government policies of normalizing
relations with Israel and cooperating with the U.S. authorities in Iraq.
Upon acceding to the throne in 1999, King Abdullah appointed as Crown Prince his half
brother Prince Hamzah, who is the son of the late King Hussein by his fourth wife, the
American-born Queen Nour. On November 28, 2004, King Abdullah divested Hamzah of
the title Crown Prince, stating that he took this step to give Hamzah “the freedom to work
and undertake any mission of responsibility I entrust you with.” King Abdullah did not name
a successor Crown Prince, but under Article 28 of the Jordanian constitution, Abdullah’s son
(also named Hussein) becomes heir to the throne unless the King designates another male
relative. Jordanian officials deny that any political considerations or family differences
prompted this action; some analysts view it as a further step in King Abdullah’s
consolidation of power.
Course of Domestic Reforms
Political. Jordan is a constitutional monarchy with a bicameral legislature composed
of an elected 110-member lower house and an appointed 55-member upper house. Building
on his father’s legacy, King Abdullah has supported a limited parliamentary democracy,
while periodically curtailing dissent when it threatened economic reforms or normalization
of relations with Israel. The most recent parliamentary elections, held on June 17, 2003,
gave 62 seats in the 110-member lower house to conservative, independent, and tribal allies
of King Abdullah. However, the moderately fundamentalist Islamic Action Front (IAF),
which had boycotted the previous elections in 1997, won 22% of the vote, thereby gaining
18 seats in the lower house, plus six sympathizers. Six seats in the lower house were
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reserved for women, one of whom is a member of the IAF. The IAF also participated in
municipal elections for the capital city of Amman, held on July 26-27, 2003, but boycotted
elections in other municipalities in protest against what IAF spokesmen called undemocratic
electoral procedures. The U.S. State Department, in its most recent annual report on human
rights (covering the year 2003), credits the Jordanian government with respecting citizens’
rights in some areas but notes some abuses, particularly by police and security forces.1
Recent changes to press and penal laws have broadened freedom of the press, but some
restrictions remain. A Washington Post article on September 30, 2004, notes measures by
Jordanian authorities to restrain an upsurge in criticism of the government, especially in
sermons by Muslim clerics.
In a speech to the Jordanian parliament on December 1, 2003, King Abdullah called for
“radical changes” designed to turn Jordan into a “modern, democratic country.” He
announced five goals: (1) increasing integrity and transparency; (2) increasing participation
of young people and women; (3) promoting a culture of democracy; (4) building an
independent judiciary and independent media; and (5) involving the private sector in
business development and social reform.
Economic. Jordan, with few natural resources and a small industrial base, has
undertaken various measures in the last few years to improve its economy. Among the long-
standing problems Jordan faces are slow economic growth, declining living standards, and
high levels of unemployment, nominally around 15% but thought by many analysts to be in
the 25%-30% range. After sluggish economic growth during much of the 1990s, Jordan’s
gross domestic product (GDP) grew 4.0% in 2000 and 4.2% in 2001 and 5.2% in 2002, but
dropped to an estimated 3.2% in 2003, due in part to the effect of the Iraq war on tourism and
other sectors of Jordan’s economy; the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts
a reversal of the downward trend in 2004, with GDP growth exceeding 5%. Jordan’s
external debt was $7.6 billion in 2003, representing about 77% of GDP. Since April 2000,
when Jordan joined the World Trade Organization, the country has carried out various
legislative and regulatory reforms: reducing customs fees, enacting laws to protect
intellectual property, removing barriers to foreign investment, emphasizing privatization,
increasing prices on staple goods such as grain and fuels, and imposing a 2% sales tax on
food and other products to generate more income.
Reaction to Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001
King Abdullah was the first Arab head of state to visit President Bush after the
September 11, 2001, attacks, and at a joint press conference on September 28, he reiterated
Jordan’s “full, unequivocal support” for the United States. Since then, Jordan has taken
several steps to support the U.S. campaign against terrorism. In December 2001, Jordan sent
approximately 200 military medical personnel to Afghanistan to set up a 50-bed field
hospital in the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif. According to a U.S. Defense Department fact
sheet, as of June 6, 2002, the hospital had seen 68,811 patients, almost all of them civilian,
1 A combination of traditionalists and Islamists in parliament have blocked some women’s rights
measures supported by the palace, notably, a proposal to increase punishment for “honor killings”
committed by male relatives of women accused of tainting their family’s honor through their sexual
behavior.
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and performed 798 surgeries. (According to King Abdullah, the hospital was still in Mazar-
i-Sharif as of February 2004.) A Jordanian Army mine-clearing unit, also deployed to
Afghanistan during December, helped clear 70,000 square meters of territory including a key
air base of anti-tank and anti-personnel mines. Within Jordan, Jordanian authorities have
continued to arrest and prosecute individuals linked to exiled extremist Saudi exile Osama
bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda organization (see below).
Murder of a U.S. Diplomat. On October 28, 2002, Lawrence Foley, a U.S. diplomat
assigned to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) program in Jordan, was
shot and killed by an unknown assailant as Foley was leaving for work, marking the first
lethal attack on a U.S. official in Jordan in more than 30 years. After extensive investigations
by Jordanian authorities, press reports on May 12, 2003, indicated that a Jordanian military
prosecutor charged 11 men with “plotting to carry out terrorist activities leading to the death
of an individual” [presumably referring to Mr. Foley]. The charge did not specifically
mention Al Qaeda. Five of the accused pleaded innocent in court proceedings on July 8,
2003; the other six are being tried in absentia. According to recent press reports (New York
Times
, April 6 and 7, 2004) a Jordanian military court convicted and sentenced to death eight
Islamic militants linked to Al Qaeda and presumably involved in the Foley murder; the court
sentenced two others to jail terms and acquitted one defendant. Six of the eight sentenced
to death were tried in absentia, including a Jordanian exile Ahmad Khulaylah, better known
as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, whose name has been associated with terrorist activity in Iraq.
Plot. Zarqawi has also been linked to a reported plot by a terrorist cell to launch a
chemical attack in the Jordanian capital of Amman, with large-scale casualties. According
to press reports, in January 2004, one of the would-be perpetrators visited Iraq, where he
obtained $170,000, which Zarqawi had collected from Syrian donors to pay for the attack.
The plot was reportedly foiled by Jordanian police and elite special forces units in a series
of operations mounted in late April 2004. In an interview published by BBC on September
28, 2004, Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher said Jordan has been in the forefront
since the early 1990s in fighting organizations such as those of Zarqawi and Al Qaeda.
Jordan’s Role in the Peace Negotiations
Peace Agreements and Normalization. Jordan and Israel signed a peace treaty
on October 26, 1994. Subsequently, the two countries exchanged ambassadors; Israel
returned approximately 131 square miles of territory near the Rift Valley to Jordan; the
Jordanian Parliament repealed laws banning contacts with Israel; and the two countries
signed a number of bilateral agreements between 1994 and 1996 to normalize economic and
cultural links. Water sharing, a recurring problem, was partially resolved in May 1997 when
the two countries reached an interim arrangement under which Israel began pumping 72,000
cubic meters of water from Lake Tiberias (the Sea of Galilee) to Jordan per day (equivalent
to 26.3 million cubic meters per year — a little over half the target amount envisioned in an
annex to the peace treaty).
Opposition to Normalization. King Abdullah’s efforts to normalize relations with
Israel have faced significant resistance within Jordan, particularly among Islamic
fundamentalist groups, parts of the Palestinian community, and influential trade and
professional organizations representing some 80,000-100,000 engineers, doctors, lawyers,
journalists, and writers. Among many mainstream Jordanians, there is some disappointment
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that peace with Israel has not brought more tangible economic benefits to them so far.
Opponents of normalization have repeatedly called on Jordanians to boycott contacts with
Israel, and activists among them have compiled two “black lists” of Jordanian individuals
and companies that deal with Israel. In January 2001, Prime Minister Ali Abu Raghib
warned that such lists harm Jordan’s investor-friendly image. Police subsequently arrested
seven union leaders on charges of belonging to an illegal organization (apparently, a 24-
member umbrella committee which had been in the forefront of the black list campaign). A
Jordanian appellate court ruled on November 28, 2002, that there is no legal foundation for
the creation of anti-normalization committees by trade unions.
Further Arab-Israeli Negotiations. Jordan, like Egypt, has resisted pressures from
some Arab states to sever relations with Israel since the outbreak of Israeli-Palestinian
clashes in September 2000, but the Jordanian government has deferred sending a new
ambassador to Israel, because of what Jordan regards as an excessive Israeli response to the
Palestinian uprising. At an Arab summit conference on March 27-28, 2002, Jordan backed
a peace initiative by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia calling, among other things, for
Israeli withdrawal from territories occupied since 1967, a “just solution to the Palestinian
refugees,” and establishment of normal relations between Arab states and Israel.
Subsequently, Jordan expressed support for the Road Map, a three-phase plan released by
the so-called Quartet (the United States, the European Union, Russia, and the United
Nations) on April 30, 2003, in an effort to jump-start the peace process. On June 4, 2003,
King Abdullah hosted a summit conference at Aqaba attended by President Bush and the
Israeli and Palestinian Prime Ministers, where attendees discussed steps to implement the
Road Map. Despite the subsequent breakdown of Israeli-Palestinian talks, King Abdullah
continued to press for resumption of negotiations.
Jordanian officials have criticized the U.S. endorsement on April 15, 2004, of a
unilateral Israeli plan to withdraw from Gaza and some West Bank settlements while
retaining other West Bank settlements. Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher argued
that “[r]esolving these issues is the right of parties that are directly involved.”2 During
comments to the press after a meeting with King Abdullah on May 6, President Bush said
he assured the King that “all final status issues must be negotiated between the parties” in
accordance with relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions and that “the United States will
not prejudice the outcome of those negotiations.” He went on to say that “[t]he road map is
the best path to realizing the two-state solution.” According to accompanying press reports,
President Bush sent King Abdullah a private letter that contained the preceding assurances.3
King Abdullah expressed appreciation for the President’s comments and added that “Jordan
also believes all final status issues, including borders, refugees, Jerusalem and settlements,
should be a matter for the parties to decide.” Asked about Sharon’s withdrawal plan in an
interview published in Newsweek on May 24, King Abdullah said “[a]s long as it is part of
an identified process, which we believe is the Roadmap, anything that assists in moving
forward is positive.” But during his September 28, 2004 BBC interview, the Jordanian
foreign minister criticized Israel for “undertaking acts that are extremely dangerous”
2 “Jordan Criticizes U.S. Middle East Policy Shift,” Reuters News Wire, Apr. 15, 2004.
3 Steven R. Weisman, “Bush and King of Jordan East Tensions Between Them,” New York Times,
May 7, 2004.
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including construction of a barrier between Israel and parts of the West Bank, settlement
expansion, and a more limited withdrawal than that envisioned in the Road Map.
The West Bank and East Jerusalem. The Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty does not
address the status of the West Bank territory, which was annexed by Jordan in 1950 but
occupied by Israel in 1967, nor does it address the status of East Jerusalem (except as noted
below); both issues are subjects of Israeli-Palestinian rather than Israeli-Jordanian
negotiations. The late King Hussein decided in August 1988 “to disengage our legal and
administrative relations with the West Bank,” but he and King Abdullah remained involved
in Palestinian issues. During his comments to the press on May 6, 2004, King Abdullah told
President Bush that “Jordan is ready to do its part in assisting the Palestinian Authority to
rebuild its capability and assume full control of the security situation.” In an interview with
Al-Arabiyya TV on August 3, 2004, King Abdullah added that “[i]n all circumstances, we
are ready to provide all the support and assistance to our Palestinian brethren, if they were
to ask us for it.” Earlier, an Associated Press wire story of June 6 quoted Jordan’s foreign
minister as saying that Jordan would consider training Palestinian police to maintain security
in parts of the West Bank and Gaza if Israel continued efforts to implement the road map
On a related issue, Palestinian leaders have taken exception to Article 9 of the 1994
Israeli-Jordanian treaty, which states that Israel “respects the historical role of the Hashemite
Kingdom [of Jordan] in the mosques of Jerusalem” and “will give high priority to the
Jordanian historic role in these shrines.” The late Palestinian leader Arafat asserted that
“sovereignty over Jerusalem and supervision of Jerusalem is for Palestinians.” In a speech
to a Washington, DC audience on May 13, 2002, King Abdullah said that under a peace deal
that he envisions, “[t]he Jerusalem question would be answered, by providing for a shared
city open to all faiths.”
Hamas and Rejectionist Groups. According to the U.S. State Department’s most
recent annual report on patterns of global terrorism (April 2004), the Jordanian government
has remained vigilant in opposing terrorism. On August 30, 1999, Jordanian security forces
closed offices used by the fundamentalist Palestinian organization Hamas, which the late
King Hussein had tolerated to some degree, on the grounds that the offices were registered
as businesses but were conducting illegal political activity. In November 1999, authorities
announced that the Hamas offices would be closed permanently. On October 9, 2001, after
the terrorist attacks on the United States, the Jordanian government issued an amendment to
terrorism laws banning any banking operations “linked to terrorism activities”, along with
banning border infiltration and attacks on industry, shipping, telecommunications, and
computer systems. However, King Abdullah condemned the Israeli missile strike that killed
Hamas spiritual leader Ahmad Yasin in Gaza on March 22, 2004, commenting that “[t]his
crime will lead to more escalation, violence and instability.”
Course of Jordanian-Iraqi Relations
Jordan and Operation Iraqi Freedom. As U.S.-Iraqi tensions mounted in mid-
2002, Jordan tried to balance its close U.S. ties with its reluctance on political and economic
grounds to support a military campaign against Iraq. Palestinians, who form a majority of
Jordan’s population, and other Jordanians with tribal ties to Iraq largely opposed military
action against Iraq; moreover, Jordanian officials reportedly estimated that a war with Iraq
would create an additional burden of $1 billion on Jordan’s economy. During the months that
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preceded the U.S.-led military campaign against Iraq (Operation Iraqi Freedom), Jordanian
officials maintained publicly that Jordan would not become a “launching pad” for military
action against Iraq4 and that there were no U.S. troops in Jordan. On February 24, 2003,
however, then Jordanian Prime Minister Ali Abu Raghib and U.S. defense officials
acknowledged that several hundred U.S. troops were in Jordan to operate newly delivered
Patriot anti-missile systems and coordinate search and rescue operations. (“U.S. Troops
Deployed in Jordan,” Boston Globe, February 25, 2003.) A Washington Post article of April
1, 2003, two weeks after the military campaign began, estimated that 3,000 U.S. troops were
in Jordan.
After the war began, Jordanian authorities reportedly prevented two Iraqi terrorist plots
targeting Americans in the country. On March 23, 2003, the Jordanian government expelled
five Iraqi diplomats believed to be involved in the terrorist plots. Jordan also took several
steps to meet the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people during the war. A 55-bed field
hospital dispatched by the Jordanian Armed Forces to Iraq in late April had treated 5,500
patients, mostly Iraqis, by May 1, 2003 (the date President Bush announced the end of major
combat operations) and is continuing to provide services in Iraq.
Aftermath of the War. Jordanian leaders welcomed the Iraqi Governing Council
(IGC) appointed by the U.S.-led coalition on July 13, 2003, but did not accord formal
recognition.5 Following the replacement of the IGC by an interim Iraqi government on June
1, 2004, King Abdullah sent a telegram of congratulations to the new Iraqi interim president,
Ghazi al-Yawar, expressing hopes that the new government would lead to the end of the
occupation and restoration of Iraqi sovereignty. The King subsequently stated in his August
3 TV interview that “[w]e support this Government because it represents an important phase
on the path of Iraq’s return to its normal status ...” In his September 28 BBC interview,
Foreign Minister Muasher said it is very important to hold elections in Iraq for a follow-on
transitional government on time (by January 2005), “if they are held at least in most parts of
Iraq and if they are held in stages that are not too far apart.” He pointed out that
postponement would give a wrong impression about Iraq’s commitment to establishing an
elected government. In December 2004, King Abdullah advised his fellow Sunni Muslims
in Iraq to participate in the elections scheduled to be held in late January 2005 for a
Transitional National Assembly: “If you don’t [participate] and you lose out, then you only
4 In an interview with Reuters on March 6, 2003, Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher said
“[w]e’ve made it clear Jordan is not going to participate in a war and will not be a launching pad for
war against Iraq.” In an interview with the official Jordan News Agency published on April 3, King
Abdullah stated that “[w]e are not part of this war.”
5 “Iraq Council Moves Towards International Acceptance,” Reuters News Wire, Sept. 9, 2003.
Jordanian leaders object to one member of the former Iraq Governing Council who is now a
candidate for Iraq’s transitional assembly, former Iraqi exile leader Ahmad Chalabi. Chalabi was
convicted in absentia by a Jordanian military court in 1992 of embezzling $70 million in the late
1980s while residing in Jordan. Chalabi maintains he was framed by agents of former Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein. On August 11, 2004, lawyers for Mr. Chalabi filed a suit against Jordan in the
U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., claiming that Jordanian authorities falsely convicted
Chalabi of the embezzlement charges. “Chalabi Returns to Iraq, Expecting Arrest but Vowing to
Fight in Court,” The New York Times, Aug. 12, 2004.
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have yourselves to blame.”6 (Some Iraqi Sunnis, fearful of being inundated at the ballot box
by the country’s Shi’ite majority, have called for postponing or boycotting the elections.)
Recent Diplomatic Contacts. On July 19, 2004, the new Iraqi interim Prime
Minister, Dr. Iyad al-Allawi, visited Jordan and met with King Abdullah, who reaffirmed
Jordan’s support for Allawi’s “efforts to reinstate security and stability in Iraq.” On the same
date, Iraq’s interim Foreign Minister announced the appointment of 43 ambassadors to head
diplomatic missions abroad, including Jordan.
Iraq Training and Troop Support. In his September 2003 interview, the King said
Jordan would train approximately 30,000 Iraqi police and military personnel in a series of
eight-week courses to be conducted in Jordan, pointing out that he did not plan to send
Jordanian trainers to Iraq in view of the sensitivities involved. In a subsequent interview
with Defense News published on February 9, 2004, King Abdullah explained that Iraqi army
personnel are being trained by the Jordanian Army, while Iraqi police training is a joint
venture with private sector companies. According another Defense News article on the same
date, more than 35,000 military and police personnel, slightly more than the earlier figure
cited by King Abdullah, will undergo training in Jordan. Training of Iraqi police cadets is
being conducted at six police training academies, five of which are in Iraq and one of which
is in Jordan, east of Amman. The first police class, 466 Iraqi police personnel, graduated
on January 29, 2004, and is already in active service. The first class of Iraqi Army officers,
a total of 556, graduated from Jordan’s military academy on March 18. By December 2004,
the 11th police class consisting of 1,144 Iraqi police cadets was in training in Jordan.7 In his
Al-Arabiyya TV interview on August 3, 2004, King Abdullah mentioned that Jordan had sent
military equipment to the reconstituted Iraq army, including more than 150 armored vehicles.
In a CNN interview on July 18, 2004, King Abdullah expressed the view that countries
bordering Iraq (including Jordan) would not be the right countries to send troops to Iraq to
stabilize the post-war situation, inasmuch as neighboring states would “all have personal
agendas.” At the same time, he said that “this Iraqi government needs 110 percent support
from all of us in the international community.” And he added that on a theoretical basis “if
the Iraqi government was to ask of our support, it would be difficult for us to say no ...”
(“Jordan Unlikely to Refuse Baghdad,” The Washington Times, July 19, 2004). In the
August 3, 2004 Al-Arabiyya interview, the King expressed similar views, adding that “[w]e
do not want to replace an American tank in Iraq with a Jordanian one .... But if the Iraqi
brethren were to ask for the participation of an Arab force on their land, we would there and
then look into this matter, and do what is appropriate.” More recently, in his September 28
BBC interview, then Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher reiterated Jordan’s position that any
troops sent to Iraq should not come from neighboring countries; hence, “we cannot talk of
Jordanian forces.”
Embassy Bombing. On August 7, 2003, a car bomb exploded outside the Jordanian
Embassy in Baghdad, killing as many as 17 persons and wounding many more. Neither U.S.
6 Robin Wright and Peter Baker, “Iraq, Jordan See Threat To Election From Iran,” Washington Post,
Dec. 8, 2004.
7 Tom Squitieri and C. Mark Brinkley, “‘Long Way To Go’ Before Iraqis Take Over Security,” USA
Today
, Dec. 14, 2004.
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nor Jordanian officials have identified the perpetrators; however, the then chief U.S.
administrator in Iraq, L. Paul Bremer, speculated that various terrorist groups that have
targeted U.S. military personnel might have been involved, including remnants of the former
Baathist regime or the paramilitary force known as “Saddam’s Fedayeen.” Bremer also said
U.S. officials are tracking an Islamist group known as Ansar al-Islam, formerly based in
Iraq’s northern Kurdish areas with alleged ties to Al Qaeda, in the aftermath of the Jordanian
embassy bombing. According to news reports, U.S. special forces and pro-Western Kurdish
militia expelled Ansar al-Islam in April 2003, but the organization may have regrouped in
Baghdad during the summer. (“Bremer says no conclusion on Iraq embassy bombers,”
Reuters, August 9, 2003).
Sources of Oil Supply. During the decade preceding Operation Iraqi Freedom,
Jordan imported between 70,000 and 95,000 barrels per day of oil and oil products from Iraq,
since Jordan had no other source of oil at the time. Jordan bought the oil at discounted prices,
and actual payments were made in commodities rather than cash, through shipments of
humanitarian goods from Jordan to Iraq. After the interruption of Iraqi oil shipments during
Operation Iraqi Freedom, Jordan received some oil from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the
United Arab Emirates (UAE) on a temporary basis. On October 29, 2003, the Jordanian
press announced that Jordan and Iraq had reached an agreement under which Iraq would
resume shipments to Jordan of 50,000 barrels of oil per day, representing approximately 50%
of Jordan’s oil needs; however, the current status of this agreement is unclear. According
to Jordan’s foreign minister, Saudi Arabia made a commitment to supply Jordan with the
other 50% of its oil needs (50,000 barrels per day) until March 2004. A Jordanian
spokesperson, quoted in the Jordanian press on May 6, 2004, said Saudi Arabia had decided
to extend the oil grant to Jordan for one year; also, that talks on oil supply are under way with
Kuwait and the UAE for an additional 25,000 barrels per day from each of these two
suppliers. Jordan reportedly receives the oil from Saudi Arabia gratis and hopes to secure
similar terms from Kuwait and the UAE. (See also Economist Intelligence Units, June 2004,
p. 23.)
Relations with Iran. Jordan has had generally poor relations with Iran since the
establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, due in part to Jordanian allegations that Iran
was promoting Islamic opposition in Jordan. There were indications of a warming trend
between the two countries during mid-2004, however, at least on the commercial level.
During a landmark visit by King Abdullah to Iran on September 3 — the first by a Jordanian
ruler in over 20 years — the two sides discussed bilateral trade and security. Also, according
to the Iranian news agency, the leaders “welcomed the establishment of the Iraqi Governing
Council, and described it as a step towards handing over the power to the Iraqi people.”
Asked about Iran’s nuclear program during his September 28 interview, Foreign Minister
Muasher reiterated Jordan’s view that there should be a nuclear freeze in the Middle East
including “Israel, Iran, and the others.” Responding to another question, concerning Iranian
activity in Iraq, Muasher said “[w]e have always asked all neighboring countries not to
interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs....” In December 2004, however, Abdullah expressed
concern that Iran is trying to manipulate Iraqi Shi’ite Muslims in an effort to bring about a
Shi’ite-dominated Islamic republic in Iraq.8
8 Robin Wright and Peter Baker, “Iraq, Jordan See Threat To Election From Iran,” The Washington
(continued...)
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U.S. Aid and Trade Issues
Aid and Funding Levels
Previous and Recent Aid. The United States has provided economic and military
aid, respectively to Jordan since 1951 and 1957. Total U.S. aid to Jordan through 2003
amounted to approximately $7 billion, including $4 billion in economic aid and $3 billion
in military aid. Levels of aid have fluctuated, increasing in response to threats faced by
Jordan and decreasing during periods of political differences or worldwide curbs on aid
funding. The United States has markedly increased its aid to Jordan since the mid-1990s to
help Jordan strengthen its economy, maintain domestic stability, and pursue normalization
with Israel. Between FY1998 and FY2002, annual U.S. economic and military aid levels to
Jordan were approximately $150 million and $75 million, respectively. In addition to annual
aid funds, at the request of the Clinton Administration, Jordan received $300 million as part
of a special package spread over FY1999 and FY2000 to support the Wye River agreement,
a U.S.-sponsored Israeli-Palestinian agreement that the late King Hussein had helped
negotiate in 1998. Also, at the request of the Bush Administration, Jordan received an
additional $125 million in a supplemental FY2002 appropriation for U.S. allies supporting
the U.S. campaign against terror in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. Table 2 shows U.S.
levels of U.S. assistance to Jordan since 1990.
FY2003 Assistance. The Bush Administration sought to double U.S. aid to Jordan
in FY2003, in view of Jordanian support to the campaign against terrorism. The
Administration’s budget request contained a total of $448 million for Jordan in FY2003,
including $250 million in economic assistance and $198 million in military assistance. A
spokesman for the Office of Management and Budget was quoted as saying the increased aid
would be used to improve border controls and interdiction of illegal weapons flow, to
support financial training, trade, and investment, and to strengthen educational opportunities.
These amounts were contained in S. 2779, the Foreign Operations Appropriations bill for
FY2003, reported by the Senate Appropriations Committee on July 24, 2002 (S.Rept. 107-
219). In the report, the Committee noted “with appreciation Jordan’s constructive role in the
peace process and efforts to implement economic reforms.” A bill reported by the House
Appropriations Committee on September 19, 2002, H.R. 5410, did not contain specific
amounts; however, in report language (H.Rept. 107-663), the Committee recommended the
same levels of aid as those contained in the President’s budget request. The Committee also
“expressed its continued strong support for and appreciation of Jordan’s constructive and
critical role in the region.” The 107th Congress adjourned without floor action on either bill.
On February 12, 2003, both houses agreed to the conference report on a new bill, H.J.Res.
2, the Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003, which President Bush signed as P.L.
108-7 on February 20. The conference report (H.Rept. 108-10) contained $250 million in
ESF for Jordan in FY2003. The conference report did not contain a specific earmark in FMF
for Jordan in FY2003 but noted that the $198 million contained in the Senate version of the
bill had already been obligated by the Administration for Jordan.
8 (...continued)
Post, Dec. 8, 2004.
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On March 25, 2003, the President sent Congress a request for supplemental funding
including, among other things, $700 million in economic aid and $406 million in military
assistance for Jordan to help offset the effects of the war with Iraq on Jordan’s economy and
bolster its security. Versions of the Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act,
2003, H.R. 1559) passed by the House on April 3 and Senate on April 7, respectively,
contained the requested amounts for Jordan, as did the conference report (H.Rept. 108-76),
which was passed by voice vote in the House and unanimous consent in the Senate on April
12, 2003. In addition, Section 1310 of the bill provided that up to $1,400 million may be
transferred under the heading Iraqi Freedom Fund to Pakistan, Jordan, and other key
cooperating states to reimburse them for certain logistical expenses and military support.
The bill was signed into law (P.L. 108-11) on April 16.
FY2004 Assistance. In its budget request for FY2004, the Administration requested
$250 million in ESF and $206 million in FMF for Jordan. These amounts were included in
S. 1426, the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriation
Bill, 2004, which was reported by the Senate Appropriations Committee on July 17, 2003
(S.Rept. 108-106). The House version, H.R. 2800, reported by the House Appropriations
Committee on July 21, 2003 (H.Rept. 108-222) and passed on July 24 by 370-50 (Roll no.
429), contained the requested level of ESF, and it recommended the requested level of FMF
in report language. The Senate subsequently passed its own version of H.R. 2800 by voice
vote on October 30, 2003. Provisions of H.R. 2800 were incorporated into H.R. 2673, the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2004. The accompanying conference report (H.Rept.
108-401, November 25, 2003) contained the requested levels of ESF and FMF for Jordan.
The conference report was agreed to by the House on December 8, 2003, and the Senate on
January 22, 2004; the bill was signed into law as P.L. 108-199 on January 23, 2004.
Also, on November 6, 2003, the President signed H.R. 3289, the Emergency
Supplemental Appropriation for Defense and the Reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan,
2004, as P.L. 108-106. This act contains an additional $100 million for Jordan in ESF.
FY2005 Assistance. The Administration has requested $250 million in ESF and
$206 million in FMF for Jordan in FY2005, in addition to small amounts for IMET, de-
mining operations, and Peace Corps (see Table 2). H.R. 4818, the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill for FY2005, passed by the House by 365-41 on July 15, 2004 (Roll no.
390), contains $250 million in ESF for Jordan. Meanwhile, the House Committee on
Appropriations had recommended full funding of the Administration’s ESF and FMF
requests for Jordan in accompanying report language (H.Rept. 108-599, July 13, 2004). A
Senate bill, S. 2812, reported on September 16, 2004 (S.Rept. 108-346), provided the
amounts requested by the Administration. The Senate bill also stated that of the ESF funds
available to Jordan, $5,000,000, should be made available to a charitable institution, the
Rosary Sisters Hospital in Jordan. The Senate then passed its own version of H.R. 4818,
after substituting the language in S. 2812, on September 23, 2004, by voice vote. The
conference report (H.Rept. 108-792, Nov. 20, 2004) contained the economic and military aid
amounts requested by the Administration; it dropped the $5 million earmark for the Rosary
Sisters Hospital because of Jordanian concerns over the impact this would have on the
overall assistance program for Jordan. The Foreign Operations Appropriations bill was
included as Division D of H.R. 4818, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2005, which
was signed by the President as P.L. 108-447 on December 8, 2004.
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Debt Relief. In 1994, in recognition of Jordan’s support for Middle East peacemaking,
then President Clinton asked Congress to pass the necessary legislation to forgive Jordan’s
$702.3 million debt to the United States (approximately 10% of Jordan’s worldwide debt).
Congress appropriated a total of $401 million in subsidies, which under pertinent budgetary
procedures were sufficient to forgive the entire $702.3 million owed to the United States at
the time. The $401 million in subsidies were contained in three appropriations bills enacted
between 1994 and 1996: P.L. 103-306, P.L. 104-19, and P.L. 104-208. Not covered under
this debt forgiveness package were certain loan guarantees, concessional credits (consisting
of food aid), and non-concessional credits (mainly U.S. Defense Department loans) estimated
respectively at $223.8 million, $84.1 million, and $171.1 million as of the end of 2001.
Trade Issues
Jordan ranked 74th among U.S. trading partners in volume of trade with the United
States in 2003, up slightly from 77th in 2002. According to the U.S. International Trade
Commission, Jordan’s imports from the United States increased from $317 million to $479
million between 2000 and 2003, and Jordan’s exports to the United States increased even
more notably from $73 million to $673 million during the same period. Principal U.S.
commodities imported by Jordan in 2003 consisted of aircraft parts, machinery and
appliances, vehicles, and cereals, while Jordan’s main exports to the United States during
2003 included clothing and accessories, precious stones, and precious metals. Two recent
measures, in particular, have helped expand U.S.-Jordanian trade ties and could create more
opportunities for U.S. investment in Jordan.
Free Trade Agreement. On October 24, 2000, then President Clinton and King
Abdullah witnessed the signing of a U.S.-Jordanian Free Trade Agreement, which will
eliminate duties and commercial barriers to bilateral trade in goods and services originating
in the two countries. Earlier, in a report released on September 26, the U.S. International
Trade Commission concluded that a U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement would have no
measurable impact on total U.S. imports or exports, U.S. production, or U.S. employment.
Under the agreement, the two countries agreed to enforce existing laws concerning worker
rights and environmental protection. On January 6, 2001, then President Clinton transmitted
to the 107th Congress a proposal to implement the Free Trade Agreement. On July 23, U.S.
Trade Representative Zoellick and then-Jordanian Ambassador Marwan Muasher exchanged
letters pledging that the two sides would “make every effort” to resolve disputes without
recourse to sanctions and other formal procedures. These letters were designed to allay
concerns on the part of some Republican Members over the possible use of sanctions to
enforce labor and environmental provisions of the treaty. President Bush signed H.R. 2603,
which implemented the FTA as P.L. 107-43 on September 28, 2001, during King Abdullah’s
visit to Washington following the September 11, 2001, attacks. For additional information,
see CRS Report RL30652, U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement.
Qualifying Industrial Zones. An outgrowth of the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty
was the establishment of “Qualifying Industrial Zones” (QIZs), under which goods produced
with specified levels of Jordanian and Israeli input can enter the United States duty free,
under the provisions of P.L. 104-234. This act amended previous legislation so as to grant
the President authority to extend the U.S.-Israel free trade area to cover products from QIZs
between Israel and Jordan or between Israel and Egypt. QIZs were designed both to help the
Jordanian economy and to serve as a vehicle for expanding commercial ties between Jordan
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and Israel. Since 1998, the U.S. Trade Representative has designated thirteen industrial
parks in Jordan as QIZs, of which three are publicly operated and ten are privately owned.
Seven of these QIZs are active; three are not yet active; and two are in the process of
becoming active, according to a fact sheet provided by the Jordanian Embassy in Washington
on August 21, 2003. A joint Israeli-Jordanian committee including an observer from the
United States approves products produced in the QIZs and certifies their eligibility for duty
free entry into the United States.9 According to the Jordanian Ministry of Finance, QIZ
exports amounted to $582 million in the year 2003.10 Even with the establishment of the
QIZs, however, there has been only a modest increase in Jordanian-Israeli trade. According
to recent estimates, Israeli annual exports to Jordan and imports from Jordan are running at
approximately $31.7 million and $34.2 million respectively, while comparable figures a
decade ago were $20.5 million and $29.9 million respectively.11 For additional information,
see CRS Report RS22002, Qualifying Industrial Zones in Jordan: A Model for Promoting
Peace and Stability in the Middle East.

Greater Middle East Initiative
The Bush Administration, together with other industrialized countries, is reportedly
considering an initiative to encourage promotion of democracy and good governance,
building a knowledge society, and expanding economic opportunities in the “Greater Middle
East” (the Arabic speaking countries plus several other nearby Muslim countries). (For more
information, see CRS Report RL32260, U.S. Foreign Assistance to the Middle East:
Historical Background, Recent Trends, and the FY2005 Request
, by Jeremy Sharp.) The
Arab reaction so far has been cool, partly due to U.S.-Arab differences over several current
regional issues. Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher told a Washington audience
on March 11, 2004, that “[w]e do not differ over the content of this reform” but went on to
say that such a program should not be “imposed, or perceived to be imposed, in any way,
from the outside.” During his comments to the press after meeting with President Bush on
May 6, King Abdullah said Jordan has adopted “a far reaching plan that addresses the key
areas of good governance, political freedoms, women’s rights, judicial reform, economic
reform, education reform and the liberalization of the economy.”
At an international “Forum for the Future” conference in Morocco on December 11,
2004, attended by representatives of the G8 industrialized democracies and approximately
20 Arab/Islamic countries, participants expressed a commitment to the development of
democracy and civil society. Among other things, participants agreed to hold a meeting of
education ministers in Jordan and establishing a microfinance training center in Jordan in
2005. Jordan also agreed to host another Forum for the Future conference in 2006.
9 According to the U.S. State Department, the QIZs have created more than 40,000 new jobs in
Jordan, mainly for women. U.S. Dept. of State, International Information Programs, “U.S.-Jordan
Free Trade Agreement Spurs Jordan’s Economic Growth,” October 16, 2003. According to local
Jordanian press reports and international economists, approximately 40% to 50% of QIZ-related jobs
are filled by expatriate workers, mainly from southern Asia.
10 Interview with Mohammed Abu Hammour, Jordan Finance Minister, Middle East Economic
Digest
, July 2-8, 2004, p. 8.
11 “Jordan’s Peace Dividend,” Jerusalem Post, Oct. 26, 2004.
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Armed Forces Modernization
Military Equipment. The United States is helping Jordan modernize its armed forces,
which have been the traditional mainstay of the regime. The Jordanian military forces,
though well trained and disciplined, are outnumbered and outgunned by each of Jordan’s
neighboring forces. In 1996, under Section 572, P.L. 104-107 (the FY1996 Foreign
Operations Appropriations Act), Congress approved a drawdown of $100 million, mainly in
ground force equipment from U.S. stocks (including 50 M60A3 tanks), to enhance Jordan’s
ability to maintain border security and implement terms of the peace treaty with Israel. Most
of this equipment was delivered in December 1996. In addition, during 1996, the United
States agreed to lease 16 refurbished F-16 fighter aircraft to Jordan at a cost of approximately
$220 million (most of which represents the cost of upgrading the aircraft), with title passing
to Jordan after five years. Deliveries of the aircraft were completed in early 1998. The
aircraft transfer was funded through a combination of foreign military financing (FMF)
allocations to Jordan over a four-year period ($150 million), plus $70 million in additional
FMF funds contained in the FY1996 omnibus continuing appropriations bill (P.L. 104-134).
More recently, with regard to the three Patriot anti-missile batteries delivered to Jordan
by the United States in early 2003, Jordan’s Prime Minister stated on February 25, 2003, that
Jordan requested these weapons from the United States after Russia was unable to deliver
S-300 surface-to-air missiles originally requested by Jordan. On November 19, 2004, the
U.S. Defense Department notified Congress of a potential sale of 50 U.S. Advanced Medium
Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAMs) and associated equipment to Jordan to enhance the
defense capability of Jordan’s F-16 fighter aircraft and provide for increased interoperability
with U.S. forces.
Military Cooperation. A U.S.-Jordanian Joint Military Commission has functioned
since 1974. Combined training exercises by U.S. and Jordanian military units continue to
take place in Jordan, at least on an annual basis and sometimes more often. These have
included fairly large scale training activities involving special forces, air defense,
communications, fighter aircraft, and other military units, together with an annual month-
long exercise with U.S. Navy and Marine units called “Infinite Moonlight.” In early 2002,
at U.S. request, Jordan reportedly began a training program to help Yemeni forces in
countering terrorism. The above-mentioned courses conducted by Jordan for Iraqi military
personnel are reportedly being funded by the United States under a program called the New
Iraqi Army Training Project.12
Under the provisions of Section 517 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 as amended,
then President Clinton designated Jordan as a major non-NATO ally of the United States,
effective on November 13, 1996. According to a State Department spokesman, this status
“makes Jordan eligible for priority consideration for transfer of excess defense articles, the
use of already appropriated military assistance funds for procurement through commercial
leases, the stockpiling of U.S. military material, and the purchase of depleted uranium
munitions.”
12 Riad Kahwaji, “Forging a New Iraqi Army — in Jordan,” Defense News, Feb. 9, 2004, p. 8.
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Alternatives and Implications
In the aftermath of the peace treaty with Israel and the Gulf wars of 1991 and 2003,
several alternative scenarios could develop in Jordan. The first would be continued
movement toward democracy under the present regime. There is much evidence that the late
King and his successor King Abdullah have favored this course. The political experience
since the resumption of parliamentary elections in 1989 have been generally positive,
although the 1997 elections were marred by a boycott by much of the opposition; the 2003
elections get mixed reviews. During his reign, King Hussein succeeded in opening the
political system to a wide spectrum of Jordanian opinion while restraining extreme steps by
the religious right or the nationalist left. Externally, Jordan has survived major diplomatic
isolation and economic loss brought on by the Gulf crisis, and conditions have improved on
both fronts. The process of normalizing relations with Israel and uncertainties over Iraq will
continue to confront King Abdullah with sensitive decisions, in seeking to accommodate
opposition groups within the Jordanian political system.
Under a second scenario, Jordan might return to a more restrictive political system. In
addition to his commitment to fostering democracy, the late King was long dedicated to
preserving the basic integrity and institutional character of the state that his grandfather built.
On at least two occasions — when threatened by a radical nationalist coup d’etat in 1957 and
by a potential takeover of the country by armed Palestinian guerrillas in 1970 — the late
King, backed by the armed forces, moved decisively to reestablish order at the expense of
democratic experiments previously under way. It is arguable that the country’s institutions
today are stronger, more durable, and more able to absorb political pressures than they were
in 1957 or 1970 and that the current situation is far less threatening. On the other hand, the
combination of domestic economic hardships, an uncertain peace process opposed by many
Jordanians, and a strong and aggressive Islamist movement could create new challenges that
King Abdullah might feel compelled to preempt through returning to a more autocratic
system of government.
A third scenario would involve a fundamental change in the character of the Jordanian
state. This could come about in a number of ways: emergence of a strongly Islamist
government that would exclude other groups from participation in national political life; a
close alliance with a neighboring patron (such as Syria) that would exert control over
Jordanian policies; disappearance of the monarchy; or replacement of the present Jordanian
state with a Palestinian entity. These developments, though not likely in the short term,
could become more plausible if the country’s governmental, economic, and military
institutions should suffer serious erosion. Radical changes in the character or configuration
of Jordan would be of concern to U.S. policy makers. Almost any successor to the Jordanian
state as it is now constituted would present the United States and its allies with a less stable
and more threatening regional environment.
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Table 2. Annual U.S. Aid to Jordan Since the Gulf Crisis
($ in millions)
Economic Assistance
Military Assistance
Fiscal
Year (FY)
EconSpt
Food
Devel
PeaceCp
FMF*
IMET**
Totals
1991
35.0a
0
0
0
20.0a
1.3
56.30
1992
30.0b
20.0
0
0
20.0b
.6
70.60
1993c
5.0
30.0
0
0
9.0
.5
44.50
1994d
9.0
15.0
4.0
0
9.0
.8
37.80
1995
7.2
15.0
6.7
0
7.3
1.0
37.20
1996
7.2
21.0
7.9
0
200.0e
1.2
237.30
1997f
112.2
2.6
4.5
1.1
30.0
1.7
152.10
1998f
150.0
0
0
1.2
75.0g
1.6
227.80
1999
150.0
0
0
1.4
70.0g
1.6
223.00
1999 (Wye)
50.0
0
0
0
50.0
0
100.00
2000
150.0
0
0
1.7
75.0
1.6
228.30
2000 (Wye)
50.0
0
0
0
150.0
0
200.00h
2001
150.0
0
0
1.7
75.0
1.7
228.40
2002
150.0
0
0
1.6
75.0
2.0
228.60
2002 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
25.0
0
125.00
2003
250.0
0
0
1.0
198.0
2.4
451.40
2003 (Suppl.)
700.0
0
0
0
406.0
0
1,106.00
2004
250.0
0
0
2.3
206.0
2.9
461.20
2004 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
0
0
100.00
2005i
250.0
0
0
1.6
206.0
3.0
460.60
Note: These figures do not include debt relief subsidy appropriations or small amounts for de-mining assistance. Nor do
they include supplemental funding requested by the Clinton Administration in FY2001 (never acted upon by Congress).
*Foreign Military Financing
**International Military Education and Training Program
***To be determined
a. Suspended in April 1991 under P.L. 102-27; released in early 1993.
b. Released in late July 1993.
c. Restrictions on FY1993 funds waived by Presidential Determination (PD) 93-39, Sept. 17, 1993.
d. FY1994 funds released by PD 94-11, Jan. 13, 1994, waiving restrictions under P.L. 103-87.
e. Three components: $30 million (Administration’s original request); $70 million in additional FMF under FY1996
appropriation (P.L. 104-134) to cover balance of F-16 aircraft package; and $100 million in special drawdown
authority (P.L. 104-107).
f. These figures include $100 million in economic assistance under the President’s Middle East Peace and Stability Fund
($100 million in FY1997, $116 million in FY1998).
g. For each of these two years, FMF figure includes $25 million in drawdown authority.
h. Some of these funds to be obligated in later years (FY2001or FY2002).
i. Administration’s request for FY2005.
CRS-16