Order Code RS21654
October 29, 2003
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Islamic Religious Schools, Madrasas:
Background
Febe Armanios
Analyst in Middle East Religions and Cultures
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade
Summary
Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic religious schools
known as madrasas (or madrassahs) in the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia
have been of increasing interest to U.S. foreign policy makers. Some allege ties between
madrasas and terrorist organizations, such as Al Qaeda, and assert that these religious
schools promote Islamic extremism and militancy. Others maintain that most of these
religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments and for
producing terrorists. This report provides an overview of madrasas, of their role in the
Muslim world and issues related to their alleged financing by Saudi Arabia and other
external donors. Related CRS products include CRS Issue Brief IB93113, CRS Report
RS21457, and CRS Report RS21432. This report will be updated as events warrant.
Overview
Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic schools known as
madrasas have been of increasing interest to analysts and to officials involved in
formulating U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia.
Madrasas drew added attention when it became known that several Taliban leaders and
Al Qaeda members had developed radical political views at madrasas in Pakistan, some
of which allegedly were built and partially financed through Saudi Arabian sources.
These revelations have led to accusations that madrasas promote Islamic extremism and
militancy, and are a recruiting ground for terrorism. Others maintain that most of these
religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments and argue
that madrasas play an important role in countries where millions of Muslims live in
poverty and the educational infrastructure is in decay.
Background
Definition. The Arabic word madrasa generally has two meanings: 1) in its more
common literal and colloquial usage, it means “school”; 2) in its secondary meaning, a
madrasa is an educational institution offering instruction in the Islamic subjects
including, but not limited to, the Quran, the sayings (hadith) of the Prophet Muhammad,
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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jurisprudence (fiqh), and law. Historically, madrasas were distinguished as institutions
of higher studies and existed in contrast to more rudimentary schools called kuttab which
only taught the Quran.1 Recently, “madrasa” has been used as a catchall denoting any
school - primary, secondary, or advanced - that promotes an Islamic based curriculum.
However in many countries, including Egypt and Lebanon, madrasa refers to any
educational institution (state-sponsored, private, secular, or religious). In Pakistan and
Bangladesh, madrasa commonly refers to Islamic religious schools. This can be a
significant semantic marker, because an analysis of “madrasa reform” could have
different implications within various cultural, political, and geographic contexts. Unless
otherwise noted in this paper, the term madrasa refers to Islamic religious schools at the
primary and secondary levels.
History. As an institution of learning, the madrasa is centuries old. One of the first
established madrasas, called the Nizamiyah, was built in Baghdad during the eleventh
century A.D. Offering food, lodging, and a free education, madrasas spread rapidly
throughout the Muslim world, and although their curricula varied from place to place, it
was always religious in character because these schools ultimately were intended to
prepare future Islamic religious scholars (ulama) for their work. In emphasizing classical
traditions in Arabic linguistics, teachers lectured and students learned through rote
memorization. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in the era of Western
colonial rule, secular institutions came to supersede religious schools in importance
throughout the Islamic world. However, madrasas were revitalized in the 1970s with the
rising interest in religious studies and Islamist politics in countries such as Iran and
Pakistan. In the 1980s, madrasas in Afghanistan and Pakistan were allegedly boosted by
an increase in financial support from the United States,2 European governments, and
Saudi Arabia, all of whom reportedly viewed these schools as recruiting grounds for the
anti-Soviet Mujahedin3 fighters. In the early 1990s, the Taliban movement was formed
by Afghani Islamic clerics and students (talib means “student” in Arabic), many of whom
were former Mujahedin who had studied and trained in madrasas and who advocated a
strict form of Islam similar to the Wahhabism4 practiced in Saudi Arabia.
Relationship between Madrasas and other Educational Institutions.
Madrasas, in most Muslim countries today, exist as part of a broader educational
infrastructure.
For those who can afford the high tuition costs, there is a private
educational sector where students can receive what is considered to be a quality Western-
style education. Because of their relatively lower costs, many people turn to state
schools, where they exist. However, in recent years and in more impoverished nations,
the rising costs and shortages of public educational institutions have encouraged parents
to send their children to madrasas. Supporters of a state educational system have argued
1 See “Madrasa” in the Encyclopedia of Islam, new ed (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965-); “Madrasah,”
in theOxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995).
2 Mary Ann Weaver, “Children of the Jihad,” The New Yorker, June 12, 1995.
3 The term mujahedin refers to Islamic guerrillas, literally “one who fights in the cause of Islam.”
4 The word “Wahhabi”is derived from the name of a Muslim scholar, Muhammad Ibn Abd
al-Wahhab (1703-1791).Wahhabism is the one of the more conservative forms of Sunni Islam.
At its core, it stresses the absolute unity of God and a return to a pure and orthodox practice of
Islam, as embodied in the Quran and in the life of the Prophet Muhammad.

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that the improvement of existing schools or the building of new ones could offer a viable
alternative to the religious-based madrasas. Others maintain that reforms should be
institutionalized primarily within Islamic madrasas in order to ensure a well-rounded
curriculum at these popular institutions. In the Agency for International Development’s
(USAID) 2003 Report on “Strengthening Education in the Muslim World,” both of these
viewpoints are advocated.5
Curriculum. Although there are a few schools that teach secular subjects, in general
madrasas offer a religious-based curriculum, focusing on the Quran and Islamic texts.
Beyond instruction in basic religious tenets, some argue that a small group of radicalized
madrasas, specifically located on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, are spawning a
militant form of Islam and calling on Muslims to fight nonbelievers and stand against
what they see as the moral depravity of the West.6 Other observers suggest that these
schools are wholly unconcerned with religious scholarship and focused solely on teaching
violence.7 A recent study by USAID denotes the links between madrasas and extremist
Islamic groups as “rare but worrisome,” but also adds that “access to quality education
alone cannot dissuade all vulnerable youth from joining terrorist groups.”8
One source reports that even in more moderate (“quietist”) schools, students are
often instructed to reject the “immoral” and “materialistic” Western culture.9 Some
Western and Islamic educators also express concern that these quietist madrasas, with
their defined curricula and dated pedagogical techniques, such as rote memorization,
produce individuals who are neither skilled nor prepared for the modern workforce.
Defenders of the madrasa system view its traditional pedagogical approach as a way to
preserve an authentic Islamic heritage. Because most madrasa graduates have access to
only to a limited type of education, they commonly are employed in the religious sector
as preachers, prayer leaders, and Islamic scholars.
Socio-Economic Factors. Madrasas offer a free education, room, and board to
their students, and thus they appeal to impoverished families and individuals. On the
whole, these religious schools are supported by private donations from Muslim believers
through a process of alms-giving known in Arabic as zakat. The practice of zakat — one
of the five pillars of the Islamic faith — prescribes that a fixed proportion of one’s income
be given to specified charitable causes, and traditionally a portion of zakat has endowed
religious education.10 Almost all madrasas are intended for educating boys, although
there are a small number of madrasas for girls.
5 “Strengthening Education in the Muslim World,” USAID Issue Paper No. 2, June 2003.
6 Husain Haqqani, “Islam’s Medieval Outposts,” Foreign Policy, Nov./Dec. 2002, iss. 133; Anna
Kuchment, et al, “School by the Book,”Newsweek, March 11, 2002.
7 Some writers have implied that all madrasas are harbors of militancy. See, for example, Jessica
Stern, “Preparing for a War on Terrorism,” Current History 100, iss. 649 (2001): 355-357; and
Alan Richards “At War with Utopian Fanatics,” Middle East Policy 8, iss. 4 (2001).
8 “Strengthening Education in the Muslim World,” op. cit.
9 Haqqani, “Islam’s Medieval Outposts,” op. cit.
10 The traditional zakat is one-fortieth of a person’s wealth, but there are varying Quranic
interpretations of this point. See Jonathan Benthall, “Financial Worship: The Quranic Injunction
to Almsgiving,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no. 1(London, 1999): 27-42.

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Examples of the Current State of Madrasas
Role of Saudi Arabia. In recent years, the dissemination of Saudi Arabian
donations to Islamic charities and the export of a Saudi educational curriculum have
received worldwide attention. Although in Saudi Arabia itself, schools teach subjects
beyond religious studies, conservative Islamic teachings permeate the Saudi educational
system structure. Viewing Saudi Arabia with greater scrutiny following the events of
September 11, experts have maintained that Saudi school curricula foster anti-Western
and anti-Semitic sentiments. Saudi official textbooks also reportedly denounce Shi’a
Islam as well as any popular Islamic practices that do not agree with Wahhabi beliefs.11
In response to such allegations and following a review of schoolbooks in 2002, the Saudi
foreign minister stated that, in light of a Saudi government survey, 5% of the material was
considered “horrible” and 10% questionable, while 85% called for understanding with
other religious faiths.12 Shortly thereafter, the government vowed to remove objectionable
parts and to train teachers in promoting tolerance, but skeptics question the extent to
which the government is willing or able to instill reforms in its schools.
On the global front, concern has been expressed over the spread of radical Islam
through Saudi-funded schools, universities, and mosques, which exist in many countries
including Bangladesh, Bosnia, Indonesia, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, and even in the United
States. Some view the teaching of Saudi Wahhabism as threatening the existence of more
moderate beliefs and practices in other parts of the Muslim world. However, there are
those who argue that a differentiation should be made between funding to support
charitable projects, such as madrasa-building, and funding which has been channeled,
overtly or implicitly, to support extremist teachings in these madrasas. Critics of Saudi
policies allege that the Saudi government has permitted or encouraged fund raising by
charitable Islamic groups and foundations linked to Al Qaeda, which the U.S. government
has identified as responsible for the September 11 hijackings.13 In 2003, the Saudi
government announced that it was banning private charities and relief groups from
donating money overseas, until new regulations are instituted to ensure that the money is
not being channeled to terrorist organizations.14 The extent to which these government
regulations will be effective remains to be seen.
Pakistan. Hosting over 10,000 madrasas,15 Pakistan’s educational infrastructure
has been of recent concern in the United States. Facing an economy that is marked by
extreme poverty and underdevelopment, many Pakistanis have turned to madrasas for the
11 Information on accusations against the Saudi curriculum, in addition to the contents of Saudi
schoolbooks can be found in Michaela Prokop, “Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education,”
International Affairs 79, no. 1 (London, 2003):77-89.
12 John Duke Anthony, “The American-Saudi Relationship: a briefing by HRH Prince Saud al
Faisal, Minister of Foreign Affairs,” Gulfwire Newsletter, October 13, 2002.
13 Glenn R. Simpson, “Unraveling Terror’s Finances,” Wall Street Journal, October 24, 2003.
14 Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency Implements New Regulations Regarding Charities,” Press
Release on June 12, 2003, available on the website of the Saudi Arabia Embassy at
[http://www.saudiembassy.net/press_release/releases/03-PR-0612-SAMA.htm],
visited
on
October 27, 2003.
15 “Strengthening Education in the Muslim World,” op. cit.

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free education, room, and board.16
However, because of links between Pakistani
madrasas and the ousted Afghan Taliban regime, as well as alleged connections of some
madrasas to Al Qaeda, some observers consider the reform of Pakistani schools as an
important component of combating anti-U.S. terrorism and in helping to stabilize the
recently-formed Afghani government.17 Offering financial incentives, the Pakistani
government is encouraging madrasas to register as part of what it portrays as an attempt
to monitor their curricula and to ensure that madrasas are not promoting violence. After
encountering initial resistance, in July 2003, the Pakistani government announced a plan
to reward those madrasas that comply with registration procedures with additional
benefits, including better teacher training, salaries, text books, and computers.18
Other Countries of Interest. Currently, the popularity of madrasas is rising in
parts of Southeast Asia. For example in Indonesia, home to the largest number of
Muslims in the world, almost 20-25% of primary and secondary school children attend
pesantrens (Islamic religious schools).19 In contrast to most madrasas, Indonesian
pesantrens have been noted for teaching a moderate form of Islam, one that encompasses
Islamic mysticism or Sufism. However, the Saudi-based charity al-Haramayn, some
branches of which have been named by the U.S. government as conduits for terrorism,
reportedly was operating some educational institutions in Indonesia20 prior to the Saudi
government’s 2003 order requiring al-Haramayn to close all of its operations worldwide.
Qatar, a country which officially adheres to the Wahhabist brand of Islam, has
expressed intentions to overhaul its primary and secondary school system by introducing
more modern instruction and reducing the number of classes in Islamic studies and
Arabic.
This reform project, part of which is being administered by the RAND
Corporation, aims to promote religious tolerance, accountability and decision-making,
while preserving Qatar’s cultural identity.21
Some Muslim critics, expressing a
widespread sentiment in the Middle East and in the Islamic world, resent such reforms,
alleging that they are dictated by the United States and are disrespectful of the native
Islamic heritage.22
16 Chris Kraul, “The World Dollars to Help Pupils in Pakistan,” Lost Angeles Times, April 14,
2003.
17 “Afghan Leader Condemns Pakistani Clerics for Training Taleban Fighters,” BBC Monitoring
South Asia, September 15, 2003.
18 “Madarassah Reform in Pakistan,” website of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
[http://embassyofpakistan.org/pb5.php], visited on October 27, 2003.
19 Ronald A Luckens-Bull, “Two Sides of the Same Coin: Modernity and Tradition in Islamic
Education in Indonesia,” Anthropology and Education Quarterly 32, no.3 (2001):353.
20 Jane Perlez, “Saudis Quietly Promote Strict Islam in Indonesia,” New York Times, July 5, 2003.
21 Erik W. Robelen, “U.S. Institutions Help Shape Education in the Islamic World,” Education
Week, May 28, 2003.
22 Susan B. Glasser, “Qatar Reshapes its Schools, Putting English over Islam,” Washington Post,
February 2, 2003.

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Current U.S. Policy and Legislation
In September 2002, USAID committed $100 million over five years for general
education reform in Pakistan. The Research Triangle Institute (RTI), a U.S.-based,
non-profit corporation, has received a USAID contract for $60 million of this aid to
implement USAID’s Education Sector Reform Assistance (ESRA) project in Pakistan.23
The United States also has committed additional resources through the Middle East
Partnership Initiative (MEPI), which received $29 million in FY2002 and $90 million in
FY2003 (through P.L. 108-11).24 One of MEPI’s goals is to encourage improvements in
secular education throughout the Arab world, and MEPI’s draft strategies have registered
concern over the rising enrollment in Islamic schools (madrasas).25
The Bush
Administration is requesting $145 million for MEPI in FY2004. The House Committee
on Appropriations has recommended $45 million for MEPI and for “Islamic outreach”
programs in the FY2004 Foreign Operations Bill (H.R. 2800). The Committee cited the
“importance of education, training and exchanges” but stated that “these funds must be
apportioned more equitably between Arab Muslim and non-Arab Muslim nations”
(H.Rept. 108-222).
The Senate report (S.Rept. 108-106) on Foreign Operations
appropriations (S. 1426) supports the Administration’s full budget request for MEPI.
Recent congressional hearings have examined the possible relationship between
madrasas and terrorist-financing.26 There appears to be some legislative interest in
improving outreach and educational programs throughout the Muslim world.
For
example, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report (S.Rept. 108-39) on the
FY2004 Foreign Relations Authorization Act (S. 925) supports “an effective campaign
to counter credible reports and observed evidence of growing anti-Americanism,
especially in the Islamic world.” Both S.Con.Res. 14 and H.Con.Res. 242, resolutions
“expressing the sense of Congress regarding the education curriculum in the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia,” criticize the educational system in Saudi Arabia. Additionally, H.R. 3137,
a resolution “to prohibit assistance or reparations to Cuba, Libya, North Korea, Iran, Saudi
Arabia, and Syria,” lists several specific charges against Saudi Arabia, calling the country
“the center of Wahhabism, the ultra-purist, jihadist form of Islam.”
23 The Bush Administration’s FY2004 Request for Economic Support Funds (ESF) in Pakistan,
under which educational programs would be administered, is $200 million.
24 CRS Report RS21457, The Middle East Partnership Initiative: An Overview, by Jeremy Sharp.
25 “The Middle East Partnership Initiative Programming Guide,” USAID/Asia & Near East
Bureau and Department of State/Near East Affairs, June 2003.
26 These include the Hearing on Terrorism Two Years After 9/11, Senate Judiciary Subcommittee
on Technology, Terrorism, and Government Information, September 10, 2003 and the Hearing
on Terror Financing, Senate Governmental Affairs Committee, July 31, 2003.

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