Order Code IB98046
CRS Issue Brief for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Nigeria in Political Transition
Updated September 15, 2003
Theodros Dagne
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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CONTENTS
SUMMARY
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Historical and Political Background
Transition to Civilian Rule
Elections
The 2003 Elections
Current Economic and Social Conditions
Humanitarian and Human Rights Concerns
HIV/AIDS
Sharia
Human Rights
U.S.-Nigerian Relations: Background

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Nigeria in Political Transition
SUMMARY
On June 8, 1998, General Sani Abacha,
hanced trade and commercial development.
the military leader who took power in Nigeria
in 1993, died of a reported heart attack and
In May 2001, President Obasanjo met
was replaced by General Abdulsalam
with President Bush and other senior officials.
Abubakar. On July 7, 1998, Moshood Abiola,
The two presidents discussed a wide range of
the believed winner of the 1993 presidential
issues, including trade, peacekeeping, and the
election, also died of a heart attack during a
HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa. President Bush
meeting with U.S. officials. General Abubakar
pledged $200 million into a new global fund
released political prisoners and initiated politi-
for HIV/AIDS. In fiscal year 2002, Nigeria
cal, economic, and social reforms. He also
received $66.5 million in economic and devel-
established a new independent electoral com-
opment assistance. The Bush Administration
mission and outlined a schedule for elections
requested $65.2 million for FY2003 and $63.9
and transition to civilian rule, pledging to
million for FY2004. In early November 2001,
hand over power to an elected civilian govern-
President Obasanjo visited Washington to
ment by May 1999.
express his government’s support for the U.S.-
led anti-terrorism campaign and returned to
In late February 1999, former military
Washington in June 2002. In July 2003, Presi-
leader General Olusegun Obasanjo was elect-
dent Bush visited Nigeria while on a five-day,
ed president and was sworn in on May 29,
five-country trip to Africa.
1999. Obasanjo won 62.8% of the votes (18.7
million), while his challenger, Chief Olu Falae
Nigeria continues to make progress in
received 37.2% of the votes (11.1 million). In
strengthening its fragile democracy but faces
mid-April 2003, President Obasanjo was re-
serious economic challenges. With a populat-
elected, and the People’s Democratic Party
ion of over 133 million that is projected to
(PDP) won a majority in the legislative elec-
grow to over 260 million by 2025, Nigeria
tions. The elections, however, were marred by
remains relatively stable, although ethnic and
serious irregularities and electoral fraud,
religious clashes in some parts of the country
according to international election observers.
have led to massive displacement of civilian
populations. Thousands of civilians have been
Relations between the United States and
killed over the past several years and many
Nigeria improved with the transfer of power
more wounded in religious clashes.
to a civilian government. In late October 1999,
President Obasanjo met with President Clint-
Under President Obasanjo, Nigeria has
on and other senior officials in Washington.
emerged has a major player in Africa. Presid-
President Clinton pledged substantial increase
ent Obasanjo took a leading role in the cre-
in U.S. assistance to Nigeria. In August 2000,
ation of the New Partnership for African
President Clinton paid a state visit to Nigeria.
Development (NEPAD) and the African
He met with President Obasanjo in Abuja and
Union (AU). President Obasanjo also played
addressed the Nigerian parliament. Several
key roles in facilitating the exile of Liberian
new U.S. initiatives were announced, includ-
President Charles Taylor. In August 2003,
ing increased support for AIDS prevention
Nigeria sent an estimated 1,500 troops to
and treatment programs in Nigeria and en-
Liberia as part of a West African-led peace-
keeping force.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
In August 2003, Nigeria sent an estimated 1,500 troops to Liberia as part of an
Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS) peacekeeping force. President
Obasanjo’s offer of asylum in Nigeria was accepted by Liberian President Charles Taylor,
who is currently settled in a small town in southern Nigeria.
After hearing the August 2003 appeals of Amina Lawal, who was sentenced to death
by stoning for adultery, the Appeals Court in Katsina State is expected to rule on her case
on September 25, 2003.
President Bush visited Nigeria in July 2003 on his five-nation tour of Africa. Speaking
at the Leon H. Sullivan Summit in Abuja, President Bush pledged to “help this vast continent
of possibilities to reach its full potential” and to “not allow terrorists to threaten African
peoples, or to use Africa as a base to threaten the world.”
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Historical and Political Background
Nigeria, the most populous nation in Africa with an estimated 133.9 million people
(July 2003 estimate, CIA), has been in political turmoil and economic crisis intermittently
since independence in October 1960. The current borders were demarcated by British
colonial rulers in 1914, on the eve of World War I, by merging the British dependencies of
Northern and Southern Nigeria into a single territory with promising economic prospects.
The new Nigeria, as defined by the British, placed over 250 distinct ethnic groups under a
single administrative system. Of this large number of groups, ten account for nearly 80% of
the total population, and the northern Hausa-Fulani, the southwestern Yoruba, and the
southeastern Ibo, have traditionally been the most politically active and dominant. Since
gaining independence from Britain in 1960, Nigerian political life has been scarred by
conflict along both ethnic and geographic lines, marked most notably by northern and Hausa
domination of the military and the civil war fought by the Ibo of Biafra from 1967 to 1970.
Questions persist as to whether Nigeria and its multitude of ethnic groups can be held
together as one nation, particularly in light of the degree to which misrule has undermined
the authority and legitimacy of the state apparatus; but many Nigerians feel a significant
degree of national pride and belief in Nigeria as a state.
Nigeria’s political life has been dominated by military coups and long military-imposed
transition programs to civilian rule. The military has ruled Nigeria for approximately 28 of
its 43 years since independence. In August 1985, General Ibrahim Babangida ousted another
military ruler, General Muhammadu Buhari, and imposed a transition program that lasted
until June 1993, when Nigeria held its first election in almost a decade, believed to be won
by Chief Moshood K. O. Abiola, a Yoruba businessman from the south. In the same month,
General Babangida annulled the presidential election because of what he called “irregularities
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in the voting” and ordered a new election with conditions that Abiola and his challenger be
excluded from participating. Amid confusion and growing political unrest, Babangida
handed over power to a caretaker government in August 1993, then ousted the caretaker the
following November.
General Sani Abacha took power in November 1993. Abacha had been an active
participant in several Nigerian military coups and was an authoritarian figure who seemed
unmoved by international opinion. Beginning in 1995, Abacha imprisoned hundreds of
critics, including former military leader Olusegun Obasanjo, the only Nigerian military leader
to have handed over power voluntarily to an elected civilian government, and Moshood
Abiola, who was charged with treason after declaring himself president following the
annulled election. The senior wife of Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, was assassinated in June 1996
by unidentified men. Her daughter blamed the military junta.
In October 1995, under pressure to implement political reforms, Abacha announced a
3-year transition program to civilian rule, which he tightly controlled until his death on June
8, 1998. Abacha established the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON),
which published guidelines for party registration, recognized five political parties in
September 1996 and officially dissolved opposition groups after refusing to recognize them.
The military professed its support for Abacha should he seek reelection as a civilian, and by
April 20, 1998, all five parties had nominated Abacha as the single presidential candidate
despite criticism by the international community and dissident groups. Major opposition
figures, especially those in exile, dismissed the transition program and called for boycotts of
the parliamentary and presidential elections. Only candidates from among the five state-
sanctioned political parties participated in state assembly elections held in December 1997
and parliamentary elections held on April 25, 1998. The United Nigeria Congress Party
(UNCP), considered by many government opponents to be the army’s proxy, won
widespread victories.
Transition to Civilian Rule
Abacha died, reportedly of a heart attack, on June 8, 1998. The Provisional Ruling
Council quickly nominated Major General Abdulsalam Abubakar to assume the presidency.
General Abubakar, a career serviceman from the Northern Hausa-speaking elite, was
regarded as a military intellectual. He served as chief of military intelligence under General
Ibrahim Babangida and was Abacha’s chief of staff. He led the investigations of reported
coup attempts by former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Lt. General Oladipo Diya,
charges that, critics argue, were fabricated by the government. Following Abacha’s death,
General Abubakar addressed the nation and expressed his commitment to uphold the October
1998 hand-over date to civilian government established by Abacha. In an effort to prove his
commitment, Abubakar released several prominent political prisoners, including General
Olusegun Obasanjo.
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During a meeting with a U.S. delegation
Nigeria At A Glance
led by then Undersecretary of State Thomas
Pickering on July 7, 1998, Abiola suffered a
Population: 133.9 million
Independence: October 1960
heart attack and died soon after. Pro-
Comparative Area: Slightly more than twice the
democracy leaders immediately claimed that
size of California
Abiola was murdered. The autopsy report,
Religions: 50% Muslim, 40% Christian, 10%
Indigenous beliefs
monitored by an independent team of
Languages: English (official)
Canadian, American, and British doctors,
GDP: $113.5 billion (2002)
confirmed that Abiola died of natural causes
GDP Per Capita: $875 (2002)
Unemployment rate: 28% (1992)
due to a long-standing heart condition and that
Exports: $17.3 billion (2002)
death as a result of poisoning was highly
Imports: $13.6 billion (2002)
unlikely. Many observers said, however, that
External Debt: $29.7 billion (2002)
Abiola’s care was deliberately neglected,
Source: The World Fact book, 2003
resulting in his early demise. His death
crushed the hopes of many democracy
supporters and spurred riots for several days.
In August and September of 1998, Abubakar undertook rapid and dramatic reforms to
the Nigerian political system and economy. He replaced Abacha’s top security staff and
cabinet and dissolved the five political parties that Abacha had established. He abolished
major decrees banning trade union activity, which had been used by Abacha to put down the
political strikes that followed the nullification of the 1993 election results and ended treason
charges against Nobel Prize-winning writer Wole Soyinka and 14 others. Abubakar has also
made a concerted effort to appeal to Nigerians in exile to return home and assist in the
transition process, and many have done so, most notably Nobel Prize-winning author Wole
Soyinka in mid-October. On September 7, Abubakar released the draft constitution for the
next civilian government, which Abacha had kept secret, but announced on October 1 that
he was setting up a committee to organize and collect views from various sections of the
country, after which he would finalize changes to the draft document in order to make it
“more representative and acceptable.” In early May 1999, the government approved an
updated version of the 1979 Nigerian constitution instead of the constitution drafted by the
Abacha regime.
Abubakar outlined a specific timetable for the transition to civilian rule, with local polls
on December 5, 1998, gubernatorial and state polls on January 9, followed by national
assembly polls on February 20, 1999, and presidential polls on February 27. The official
hand-over date was set for May 29, 1999. He also nullified all of the previous state and
gubernatorial elections because they were held under the Abacha system, and dismissed the
National Electoral Commission established by Abacha, replacing it with one of his own, the
Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), in early August. Political party
registration for elections ended after an extension on October 12, and the INEC released the
names of the nine registered parties on October 19. The three major parties were the
People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the All People’s Party (APP), and the Alliance for
Democracy (AD). In order to be registered, a party had to be considered “national,” defined
as having offices in at least two-thirds of the 36 states that make up Nigeria, and furthermore
must win at least 10% of votes in two-thirds of the states in the local elections in December
1998 in order to qualify a candidate for the national elections in February. Abubakar warned
of the dangers of a “proliferation of political parties with parochial orientation, that may lead
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to disunity and instability,” while urging political leadership to represent the will of people
of all ethnic and religious groups.
The international community
Highlights of Abubakar’s Transition Program
cautiously welcomed the transition
program. Donor governments in Europe
Rejected:
expressed support and urged transparency.
National Conference
National Unity Government
French, British, and German delegations
met with the Nigerian leadership in Abuja,
Accomplished:
the capital, in late July, and Abubakar
•
Debt relief talks with World Bank and IMF
made numerous trips abroad in an effort to
•
Dissolution of old electoral commission and
establishment of new Independent National
improve relations with African and world
Electoral Commission
leaders. The European Union announced
•
Dissolution of old political parties and
in late October 1998 that, effective
registration of new parties
November 1, some sanctions would be
•
Voter registration
relaxed. The visa ban was officially
•
Annulment of elections under Abacha
•
Most political prisoners freed
removed and some officials indicated that
•
Greater freedom of press, human rights better
even the military measures might be lifted
•
Publicized and amended 1995 constitution
after the official hand-over date in May.
•
Dismissed Abacha officials and began
On May 31, 1999, the European Union
investigation into misappropriated funds
•
Exiled dissidents returned home
restored full economic cooperation with
•
Better-paid civil servants to combat corruption
Nigeria. In late May, the Commonwealth
•
Repairs started on refineries, more oil imported,
also readmitted Nigeria as a member, after
privatization program started
3 years of suspension.
•
Hand-over May 29, 1999
•
Presidential elections February 27, 1999
•
National assembly elections February 20, 1999
Elections
•
State/Gubernatorial elections January 9, 1999
•
Local elections December 5, 1998 Partial lifting
In early December 1998, the PDP
of international sanctions
won in 389 out of 774 municipalities in
local elections, while the All People’s
Party (APP) came a distant second with 182, followed by Alliance for Democracy. In the
governorship elections in early January, the PDP won 21 states out of 36, the APP won in
nine states, and the AD won in six states. Shortly after the elections in January, the APP and
AD began talks to merge the two political parties. However, the Independent Electoral
Commission rejected a merger but agreed that the two parties “can present common
candidates” for the presidential elections.
In mid-February, the People Democratic Party nominated General Olusegun Obasanjo
as its presidential candidate. Obasanjo won the support of more than two-thirds of the 2,500
delegates and a northerner, Abubakar Atiku, who was elected governor in the January
elections, was chosen as his running mate. The APP and AD nominated Chief Olu Falae,
a Yoruba, as their joint candidate for president. A former Nigerian security chief and a
northerner, Chief Umaru Shinakfi, was chosen as Falae’s running mate.
In late February 1999, General Obasanjo was elected president by a wide margin.
Obasanjo won 62.8% of the votes (18.7 million), while his challenger, Chief Olu Falae
received 37.2% of the votes (11.1 million). In the Senate elections, the PDP won 58% of
the votes, APP 23%, and AD 19%. In the elections for the House of Representatives, PDP
received 59% of the votes, AD 22%, and APP 20%.
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On May 29, 1999, Obasanjo was sworn in president and the Nigerian Senate approved
42 of 49 members of his cabinet. In his inaugural address, President Obasanjo said that “the
entire Nigerian scene is very bleak indeed. So bleak people ask me where do we begin? I
know what great things you expect of me at this New Dawn. As I have said many times in
my extensive travels in the country, I am not a miracle worker. It will be foolish to underrate
the task ahead. Alone, I can do little.”
The 2003 Elections
President Obasanjo was nominated by his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP),
for a second-term bid. The All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) picked former military
strongman, General Muhammadu Buhari, as its presidential candidate. Meanwhile, the
former Biafra rebel leader, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, who led the secessionist war in the
1960s, was picked as the presidential candidate of the All Progressive Grand Alliance
(APGA). The National Democratic Party (NDP) picked former foreign minister Ike
Nwachukwu as its presidential candidate.
In mid-April 2003, Nigerians went to the polls for the second time since military rule
gave way to a civilian government. President Obasanjo was re-elected to a second term, and
his PDP party won in legislative elections. The Independent National Electoral Commission
(INEC) declared that Obasanjo won 61.9% of the votes, while his nearest rival, General
Muhammadu Buhari of ANPP, won 32.1% of the votes. The elections, however, were
marred by serious irregularities and electoral fraud, according to international election
observers. In the Senate, the PDP won 72 seats out of 109 seats, while the ANPP won 28
and the AD 5 seats. The PDP won 198 seats in the 360-seat House of Representatives, the
ANPP 83 seats, and the AD 30 seats.
Current Economic and Social Conditions
Western officials believe that Sani Abacha may have stolen more than $3.5 billion over
the course of his 5 years in power. Abacha’s former national security adviser, Ismaila
Gwarzo, was accused of stealing an estimated $2.45 billion from the Nigerian Central Bank.
Swiss officials stated that about 120 accounts in Zurich and Geneva have been frozen. In
early 2000, Swiss officials charged a businessman for falsifying documents to open a bank
account for the Abacha family. In mid-May 2000, President Obasanjo announced that his
government had recovered $200 million in public funds looted by former Nigerian dictator
Abacha and his associates. In July 2000, Nigerian authorities confirmed that Swiss officials
had transferred $64.3 million of the looted money to the Central Bank of Nigeria. In April
2002, the government of Nigeria reached an agreement with the Abacha family on the funds
said to have been stolen by the late dictator. The agreement calls for the return of $1 billion
to the government of Nigeria, while the Abacha family would be allowed to keep $100
million.
Due to decades of economic mismanagement, political instability, and widespread
corruption, the education system has suffered from lack of funding, industry has idled,
refineries are in poor conditions, and the sixth-largest oil-producing country in the world
suffers from severe fuel shortages from time to time. The Nigerian economy depends heavily
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on oil revenues; about 90-95% of Nigeria’s export earnings come from petroleum and
petroleum products, which also represent 90% of its foreign exchange earnings and 80% of
its government revenues (Energy Administration Information, March 2003). The European
Union is a major trading partner, and the United States imports more oil from sub-Saharan
Africa, primarily Nigeria, than from the Middle East.
The state of the economy has most affected the poorest segments of the population and
has sparked violence around the country, particularly in the oil-producing regions. Several
thousand people have been killed in pipeline explosions in southeast Nigeria since the late
1990s, though the largest single toll from an explosion was approximately 1,000 in October
of 1999. These explosions are triggered because people siphon off oil from holes punched
in the above-ground pipeline for personal use, resulting in a loss of what’s estimated to be
up to 200,000 barrels of oil per day (IRIN, July 15, 2003). Ethnic clashes over rights to a
promising oil prospect in the southwest also killed hundreds of people in September and
October 1999. In the Niger Delta, youths from the ethnic Ijaw tribe periodically stop the
flow of one-third of Nigeria’s oil exports of more than two million barrels per day in order
to protest sub-standard living conditions in the country’s richest oil-producing region. The
government established a national task force on surveillance of petroleum pipelines in order
to prevent a recurrence of the pipeline explosion tragedy.
Humanitarian and Human Rights Concerns
HIV/AIDS
Nigeria’s HIV/AIDS prevalence rate of 5.8% may seem small in comparison to some
Southern African nations with seropositivity rates of over 30% of the adult population.
However, the West African nation composes nearly one-tenth of the world’s HIV/AIDS
infected persons with 3.5 million infected people (UNAIDS 2001 estimate), the largest HIV-
positive population in Africa after South Africa. Nigeria’s population is expected to double
by the year 2025, which will multiply the spread of the HIV virus astronomically. In addition
to the devastation HIV/AIDS has caused and continues to cause among Nigeria’s adult
population, half of the current population is under the age of 15. With only 55% of primary
school-aged children in school and the high HIV/AIDS prevalence rates among adults,
Nigeria faces serious challenges and significant obstacles in the education and health care
sectors (USAID Congressional Budget Justification, 2004). In late July 2001, the government
of Nigeria announced a major AIDS treatment program. President Obasanjo declared that
his government would provide cheap generic drugs to AIDS patients beginning September
2001. Patients are expected to pay about $7 a month for the treatment. The government of
Nigeria plans to distribute anti-retroviral drugs to an estimated 10,000 patients, but numerous
obstacles have inhibited the implementation of this program.
Sharia
Twelve of Nigeria’s states in the Muslim-dominated North of the country have adopted
Sharia law within the last four years, which has resulted in much-publicized rulings, several
of which have been criticized by human rights groups as well as by Nigerians in the Southern
and mostly Christian part of the country. Kano state ruled on September 1, 2003, that all
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school girls attending government schools are to wear the hijab, Islamic head scarf,
regardless of whether they are Muslim. President Obasanjo has said that the best way to
respond to Sharia is to ignore it: “I think Sharia will fizzle out. To confront it is to keep it
alive.” In March 2002, in Katsina State, Amina Lawal, was sentenced to death by stoning
after a court found her guilty of adultery. Ms. Lawal appealed her sentence in August of
2003, and the Katsina State’s Appeals Court is expected to rule on September 25, 2003. In
October 2001, in another highly publicized case, a Sharia court in the Sokoto State sentenced
Safiya Hussaini to death for adultery. Ms. Hussaini appealed her sentence and was
exonerated on the grounds that she was impregnated by her former husband and that the
affair took place before Sharia law was enacted.
Human Rights
The Bush Administration is concerned about Nigeria’s poor human rights record. In
its Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 2002, the Department of State wrote:
The Government’s human rights record remained poor; although there were
improvements in several areas, serious problems remained. The national police, military,
and security forces committed extrajudicial killings and used excessive force to
apprehend criminal suspects and to quell several incidents of ethno-religious violence.
Police, military, and security forces sometimes beat protesters, criminal suspects,
detainees, and convicted prisoners. The Government continued steps to curb torture and
beatings of detainees and prisoners. In most cases, neither the state anticrime task forces,
the police, nor the military were held accountable for excessive force or the death of
persons in custody. Shari’a courts sentenced persons to harsh punishments including
amputations and death by stoning; however, no amputation or stoning sentences were
carried out during the year. Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening, and the
lack of sufficient food and adequate medical treatment contributed to the death of
numerous inmates. Police and security forces continued to use arbitrary arrest and
detention. Prolonged pretrial detention remained a serious problem. The judicial system
often was incapable of providing criminal suspects with speedy and fair trials.
Government authorities occasionally infringed on citizen’s privacy rights. The
Government generally respected freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were
problems in some areas. The Government placed some limits on freedom of assembly
and association, citing security concerns. There were governmental restrictions placed
on freedom of religion. The Government occasionally restricted freedom of movement
for security reasons in areas of unrest and used lethal force at checkpoints. The Human
Rights Violations Investigation Panel (HRVIP) concluded its public hearings and in 2001
presented its findings and recommendations to the President, but the report has not been
made public.
The United States and Nigeria
Relations between Washington and Abuja began to improve shortly after General
Abubakar assumed power and have since continued to grow during President Bush’s term
in office. In September 1998, Abubakar visited the United States for the U.N. General
Assembly meeting, and also came to Washington to meet with President Clinton at the White
House. After the meeting, Abubakar said President Clinton told him that if Nigeria stayed
on its democratic course, the United States was prepared to help win some debt relief from
international lending institutions and might also allow the resumption of direct air links
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between the U.S. and Nigeria. U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright also praised
Abubakar for “taking steps to bring Nigeria back into the world community” (New York
Times, September 25, 1998). U.S. officials applauded Abubakar’s transition program and
warmly welcomed the transfer of power to an elected civilian government and promised to
work closely with the Obasanjo government.
In mid-October 1999, then Secretary of State Albright visited Nigeria and met with
senior government officials and civil society groups. At a press briefing following her Africa
tour, Secretary Albright stated that the government and people of Nigeria are “engaged in a
dramatic and high-stakes struggle to establish a viable democratic system.” She said
President Obasanjo “appears truly committed to jump-starting the economy, fighting
corruption and resolving regional problems that remain a source of unrest within Nigeria.”
In late October 1999, President Obasanjo met with President Clinton and other senior
government officials in Washington. At a White House press briefing, President Clinton
said that “it is very much in America’s interests that Nigeria succeed, and therefore we
should assist them in their success. We intend to increase our assistance to Nigeria to expand
law-enforcement cooperation and to work toward an agreement to stimulate trade and
investment between us. We intend to do what we can to help Nigeria recover assets
plundered by the previous regime.” President Clinton stated that the United States will
support “generous debt rescheduling through the Paris Club and encourage other countries
to take further steps.”
In a meeting with President Obasanjo in Abuja on August 26, 2000, President Clinton
stated that the United States is “committed to working with the people of Nigeria to help
build stronger institutions, improve education, fight disease, crime and corruption, ease the
burden of debt and promote trade and investment in a way that brings more of the benefits
of prosperity to people who have embraced democracy.” Clinton also made an
unprecedented address before the Nigerian parliament in which he underscored the major
issues facing Nigeria today, including democratization and ethnic and religious strife.
President Clinton announced a number of new initiatives during his Nigeria visit. He
pledged $60 million for AIDS vaccine research and more than $20 million for Obasanjo’s
campaigns against malaria, polio, and HIV/AIDS. He also praised Nigeria’s regional
leadership and promised continued U.S. support for the West African peacekeeping mission
in Sierra Leone. He pledged continued U.S. support for education, including the provision
of Internet access through the work of NGOs and universities.
In May 2001, President Obasanjo met with President Bush and other senior officials in
Washington. President Bush stated that the United States is “in the process of helping
provide technical assistance to Nigerian troops so that they are better able to keep those peace
missions.” At a joint White House press conference, President Bush pledged $200 million
to a new global fund for HIV/AIDS. President Obasanjo said he discussed a number of
issues of mutual interest, including the conflicts in Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo,
and Sierra Leone.
President Obasanjo returned to the White House following the September 11, 2001,
attacks to discuss Nigeria’s and United States’ “mutual concern to fight and win the war
against terror.” Returning again to Washington in June 2002 and receiving President Bush
on his first official state visit to Africa in July of 2003, President Obasanjo has cultivated a
friendship with President Bush. In a speech concluding his week-long trip to Africa,
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President Bush emphasized the importance of “partnerships” and underscored that “the
relationship between America and Africa will benefit both our people” (see White House
press release [http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/07/print/20030712.html]).
U.S.-Nigerian Relations: Background
Three primary issues have dominated U.S.-Nigerian relations in the last two decades:
the absence of democracy, human rights abuses, and drug trafficking. Washington took a
series of measures against the military junta shortly after the 1993 election results were
annulled. These included suspending development assistance, terminating joint military
training with Nigeria, and imposing visa restrictions of Nigeria’s military leaders and their
family members. These measures, however, did not affect trade between U.S. companies and
Nigeria. Washington was also engaged in diplomatic efforts, albeit unsuccessful, to break
the political impasse in the West African nation. The Clinton Administration sent civil rights
leader Jesse Jackson, then-U.N. Ambassador Bill Richardson, and former Ambassador
Donald McHenry as envoys to convince Abacha to implement reforms.
In response to the execution of nine Ogoni activists in 1995, the Clinton Administration
recalled its ambassador and pushed a resolution at the U.N. General Assembly that
condemned Nigeria’s action. The imprisonment of Moshood Abiola and many others was
a contentious issue in U.S.-Nigerian relations. In its Country Report on Human Rights
Practices for 1997, the Department of State wrote: “The human rights record remained
dismal. Throughout the year, Abacha’s Government relied regularly on arbitrary detention
and harassment to silence its most outspoken critics.” The report further stated that security
forces “continued to commit extrajudicial killings and use excessive force to quell anti-
government protests as well as to combat crime, resulting in the death or injury of many
individuals, including innocent civilians.” Human rights groups reported the torture of
prisoners and constant harassment of journalists under the Abacha regime.
Washington’s concern was not limited to human rights abuse allegations. Drug
trafficking by Nigeria emerged as a major issue in U.S.-Nigerian relations after the mid-
1980s. Although Nigeria is not a drug-producing country, it has become a major transit
point. An estimated 35-40% of all the heroin coming into the United States is brought by
Nigerian couriers. In 1989, the United States and Nigeria established a joint Counter-
Narcotics Task Force. Lack of cooperation by Nigerian authorities in combating the drug
trafficking problem led to a decision by the Clinton Administration in March 1998, as in
1994 and 1996, to put Nigeria on the State Department’s list of non-cooperative drug
trafficking nations, which includes Burma and Iran. As a consequence, the U.S. had to vote
“no” on all loans to Nigeria being considered by the World Bank and the African
Development Bank, and Nigeria was ineligible for any Export-Import Bank financing of U.S.
exports.
In March 2000, however, President Clinton provided a waiver, a Vital National Interests
Certification, for Nigeria in order to allow support for the democratic transition program.
According to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), Nigeria’s anti narcotic efforts
remained “unfocused and lacking in material support.” According to the DEA (Lagos),
despite the new government’s efforts in dealing with the problem, “Nigerian law
enforcement agencies did not significantly improve their counter-drug performance in 1999”
[http://www.usembassy.state.gov/nigeria/]. Nigerian authorities point to the government’s
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active cooperation with U.S. officials and increased funds appropriated by the Nigerian
government to fight drug trafficking. In March 2001, however, the Bush Administration
certified that Nigeria was fully cooperating with U.S. officials. According to a U.S. embassy
(Lagos) press release, “in spite of continued problems with corruption and a weak judicial
system, the Nigerian government has shown a commitment to improving its efforts in
fighting organized crime and drug trafficking [http://usembassy.state.gov/nigeria].”
Through legislative action, Members of Congress were active concerning Nigeria. In
1994, the House of Representatives passed H.Con.Res. 151, which called for additional
measures against the military junta by the Clinton Administration. A bill calling for the
imposition of sanctions and freezing of assets was introduced in 1996 by then-Senator Nancy
Kassebaum and Representative Donald M. Payne. Although the bill enjoyed significant
bipartisan support, it did not move out of committees, in part because of opposition by
Members of Congress who favored dialogue with the Nigerian government. Pro-Nigerian
groups and some American business interests actively opposed the bill (Washington Post,
November 24, 1996). The Nigerian Democracy Act, introduced by Representative Donald
Payne and Representative Amo Houghton in 1997, contained similar provisions, including
a ban on new U.S. corporate investment in Nigeria. In May 1998 House International
Relations Committee Chairman Benjamin A. Gilman and Representative Donald M. Payne
introduced the Nigerian Democracy and Civil Society Empowerment Act (H.R. 3890),
calling for additional sanctions and increased U.S. aid to democratic opposition groups. The
bill was also introduced in the Senate in May 1998 by Senators Feingold, Jeffords, Leahy,
and Wellstone. The bill was sent to committees in both houses, but the 105th Congress did
not act further on either piece of legislation.
Conflicts within the Clinton Administration regarding the appropriate strategy toward
Nigeria while under the control of Abacha surfaced in speeches given by senior
Administration officials and President Clinton in early 1998. Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs Dr. Susan Rice stated in a speech on March 17, 1998, that the United States
would hold “General Abacha to his 3-year-old promise to undertake a genuine transition to
civilian rule this year and to establish a level playing field by allowing free political activity,
providing for an open press, and ending political detention. Let me state clearly and
unequivocally to you today that an election victory by any military candidate in the
forthcoming presidential elections would be unacceptable.” In late March, President Clinton
stated that U.S. policy toward Nigeria was “to do all that we can to persuade General Abacha
to move toward general democracy and respect for human rights, release of political
prisoners, and the holding of elections.” Referring to General Abacha’s rumored candidacy,
however, President Clinton seemed to contradict Rice by suggesting that “if [Abacha] stands
for election we hope he will stand as a civilian.” President Clinton’s March statement led
some critics to question the Administration’s policy toward Abacha and the military junta.
The Administration came to a final decision on May 28, saying that the proposed
transition was clearly “unacceptable” as long as Abacha remained the single candidate and
that current sanctions would remain (The Washington Post, May 29, 1998). Following
Abacha’s death, State Department spokesman James P. Rubin stated that Abubakar had “a
historic opportunity to open the political process and institute a swift and credible transition
to civilian democratic rule.” Rubin said that Washington would “accept” only a transition
that included “three things: first, freeing political prisoners; second, ensuring respect for the
basic freedoms of speech, press, and assembly; and third, returning the Nigerian army to its
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rightful position as a professional armed force committed to defending the constitution and
civilian rule.” U.S. officials had anticipated that Abubakar would be more cooperative with
the United States because he received military training here. On June 14, 1998, President
Clinton called Abubakar and “underscored our desire for improved bilateral relations in the
context of Nigeria taking swift and significant steps toward a successful transition to a
democratically-elected government” (Associated Press, June 14, 1998).
The U.S. officials who met with Abubakar in July 1998 reported that he appeared very
receptive to implementing the transition to democracy, although he would continue
consultations before releasing the final details of the transition. Critics asserted that the
United States should have pushed harder for Abiola’s unconditional release in order for him
to consult with advisers rather than consent to renouncing his title under political pressure.
Critics also warned that a hands-off policy could enable the regime to proceed slowly with
reforms that may escalate civil conflict to the point of war in which ethnic rivalries could
erupt on a massive scale. The Clinton Administration, nonetheless, welcomed Abubakar’s
transition program, and on October 30, 1998, the U.S. State Department announced that the
Secretary, after consulting with Members of Congress, has terminated a Presidential
Proclamation that restricted entry into the United States by high-ranking Nigerian officials
and their family members.
Table 1. U.S. Assistance to Nigeria
($ millions, fiscal years)
2003
2004
Program
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Est.
Req.
DA
3.5
10
10.5
30.9
18.5
23.9
12.6
CSH
3.5
6.8
17.0
23.3
37.0
41.4
46.3
ESF
—
6.9
20.0
23.4
0.0
5.0
FMF Grants
—
—
10.0
Peace Corps
—
—
—
IMET
—
0.09
0.60
Total
7.0
23.80
58.1
77.7
55.6
65.2
63.9
Table Abbreviations:
DA=Development Assistance
CSH=Child Survival and Health Programs Fund
ESF=Economic Support Fund
IMET=International Military Education and Training
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