Order Code RL31758
Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Financial Privacy:
An Economic Perspective
February 25, 2003
Loretta Nott
Analyst in Economics
Government and Finance Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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Financial Privacy: An Economic Perspective
Summary
Financial privacy issues are likely to figure prominently on the legislative
agenda of the 108th Congress. One of the primary reasons is that a preemption of state
law in the Fair Credit Reporting Act will expire on January 1, 2004. This preemption
allows for a national and uniform standard for sharing consumer credit information
among affiliates of the same corporate group. A consumer’s financial information
may be shared among the group as long as the person has been notified and has the
opportunity to decline, or “opt out.” Financial institutions argue that there are
numerous consumer benefits to the free flow of information, and thus advocate the
status quo. In contrast, consumer groups argue for an “opt-in” policy that would
require financial institutions to obtain a consumer’s explicit consent before sharing
certain information with their affiliates.
Economic theory suggests that there are distinct benefits to information sharing.
In a perfect market, theory holds that competitive forces will deliver an economically
efficient outcome. However, this conclusion is contingent upon several assumptions
that underlie the theoretical model. If one or more of these assumptions are absent,
then the market can be said to have “failed.” In these cases, public policy can play
an important role in promoting economic efficiency.
In the market for financial information, the two most relevant types of market
failures are externalities and imperfect information. If externalities exist and
transaction costs are zero, then economic theory indicates that an efficient allocation
of information sharing will occur when “property rights” over information are well
defined. Opt-out effectively assigns the property rights over information to financial
institutions, while opt-in awards ownership to consumers. In terms of economic
efficiency, theory holds that it is irrelevant who owns the property rights to the
financial information. However, if there are significant transaction costs, then an
economically efficient outcome can still be achieved when costs are minimized. In
this case, opt-out legislation would more likely deliver an efficient allocation of
information sharing.
In a world with imperfect information, economic theory asserts that an opt-out
policy will fail to produce the most efficient outcome since financial institutions will
receive the economic gains from information sharing without paying consumers its
true value. Therefore, theory predicts that opt-in legislation would promote a more
economically efficient outcome. If financial institutions have to obtain the explicit
consent of their customers, then they will have an incentive to offer some sort of
compensation to their customers for the use of their information.
This report will be updated as events warrant.

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Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
The Economics of Financial Privacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
The Economic Value of Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Economic Efficiency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Market Failures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Externalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Imperfect Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Thin Margins and Transaction Costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Conclusion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

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Financial Privacy: An Economic Perspective
Introduction
Financial privacy issues are likely to figure prominently on the legislative
agenda of the 108th Congress. One of the primary reasons is that a preemption of
state law in the Fair Credit Reporting Act (FCRA) will expire on January 1, 2004.
This preemption allows for a national and uniform standard for sharing consumer
credit information between affiliates of the same corporate group.1 Thus, financial
institutions avoid complications that could arise from variations in state privacy laws,
while consumers obtain those benefits associated with the flow of information.
However, many consumer advocacy groups have voiced concerns about the
potential erosion of financial privacy associated with information-sharing activities
among corporate affiliates. Under the FCRA, a financial institution is permitted to
share a customer’s personal information with affiliates as long as the customer has
been notified and given the opportunity to “opt out” from having such information
shared. If the provision preempting state law is not extended, it opens the door for
states to introduce “opt-in” legislation, where financial institutions are required to
obtain the explicit consent of consumers before any personal information may be
shared among their affiliates.
If the 108th Congress visits the preemption provision this year, there will be two
key issues to consider. First, given the potential consequences for the financial
services market and consumers in the absence of an extension, should Congress
extend the preemption provision of the FCRA? Second, if Congress decides to
renew the law and continue to set a federal standard, it could consider retaining the
current opt-out requirement or adopting an opt-in policy. This report will focus on
the second issue by examining the economics of financial privacy in the context of
the opt-out/opt-in debate, and consider the implications of a regulatory change.2
1 15 U.S.C. §1681t(d). For more information, see CRS Report RS21427, State Financial
Privacy Laws Affecting Sharing of Customer Information Among Affiliated Financial
Institutions, by M. Maureen Murphy.
2 This report will examine financial privacy in the context of economic theory. For the legal
perspective, see CRS Report RS21427, State Financial Privacy Laws Affecting Sharing of
Customer Information Among Affiliated Financial Institutions. Also see CRS Report
RS20185, Privacy Protection for Customer Financial Information, by M. Maureen Murphy,
and CRS Report RL31666, Fair Credit Reporting Act: Rights and Responsibilities, by Angie
A. Welborn. For general information on privacy issues, see CRS Report RL30671, Personal
Privacy Protection: The Legislative Response, by Harold C. Relyea.

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Background
According to the Federal Reserve, Americans made 71.5 billion non-cash retail
payments in the year 2000.3 Each one of those payments created valuable
information. Every financial transaction, whether withdrawing money from an ATM
or settling a purchase with a credit card, generates an electronic information trail as
a byproduct. These data are collected by financial institutions and may be compiled
into consumer profile databases that potentially may be shared among corporate
affiliates and other third parties.
In order for any non-cash financial transaction to be completed, consumers must
willingly release their personal information to the other parties involved. For
example, purchasing groceries with a credit card requires the release of financial
information to the grocery store, the credit card company, and the financial
institution. But then the critical question becomes, who owns the rights to that
information once the transaction has been completed?
In that regard, there are several federal laws pertaining to a consumer’s right to
financial privacy, including the Fair Credit Reporting Act (FCRA), which protects
the privacy of certain information distributed by consumer reporting agencies.4 The
most common example is a consumer’s credit report, which includes information
such as creditors, payment patterns, and outstanding balances. Under the FCRA,
these agencies can release a person’s credit information only to those third parties
that have been permitted by law to obtain such reports. For example, a lender might
require this information to evaluate a mortgage application.
However, the law also permits financial institutions to share a consumer’s
financial information among its affiliates as long as the individual has been notified
of this practice and has the opportunity to direct that such information not be shared.
In other words, consumers have the right to “opt out” from having their personal
financial information shared among persons affiliated with the same corporate group.
Notification is likely to be mailed in the form of a privacy policy statement, which
under the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GLBA),5 is required to be issued by financial
institutions at least on an annual basis. For those consumers who elect to opt out, the
extent to which financial institutions may share the consumers’ personal information
with their affiliates is limited. If a consumer does not opt out, the financial company
3 Non-cash retail payments include checks, and debit and credit card transactions. For more
information, see Geoffrey R. Gerdes and Jack K. Walton II, “The Use of Checks and Other
Noncash Payment Instruments in the United States,” Federal Reserve Bulletin, Aug. 2002.
4 There are five federal privacy laws that pertain to a consumer’s right to financial privacy:
the Electronic Fund Transfer Act (15 U.S.C. §§1693a-1693r), the Right to Financial Privacy
Act (12 U.S.C. §§3401-3422), the Telephone Consumer Protection Act (47 U.S.C. §§227),
the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (15 U.S.C. §§6801-6809), and the Fair Credit Reporting Act
(15 U.S.C. §§1681-1681t).
5 P.L. 106-102, Title V; 113 Stat. 1436-1450; 15 U.S.C. §§6801-6809. GLBA also prohibits
financial institutions from sharing nonpublic customer information with non-affiliated third
parties without providing consumers an opportunity to opt out. For more information, see
CRS Report RS20185, Privacy Protection for Customer Financial Information.

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is free to share that individual’s financial information among its affiliated corporate
entities.6
To ensure a national and uniform standard for sharing credit information, the
FCRA preempts state laws on affiliate information sharing. However, FCRA also
allows states after January 1, 2004, to enact legislation on affiliate information
sharing as long as a state law is explicit that it is intended to supplement the federal
FCRA and provides greater consumer protection. If the 108th Congress decides to
extend the preemption, then the question becomes, what should the federal standard
for affiliate information sharing be?
The financial industry advocates the status quo – a federal privacy law that
preempts state law governing affiliate information sharing, and leaves the
responsibility to consumers to opt out from having their personal information shared.
In support of the opt-out view, financial services providers argue that there are
numerous consumer benefits to the free flow of credit information, including
enhanced customer service and better financial product design. In addition, there is
evidence to suggest that these benefits are monetary as well. In a study conducted for
the Financial Services Roundtable (FSR), a prominent industry lobby group, Ernst
and Young estimated that the practice of information sharing saved $17 billion per
year for the customers of the FSR members.7 Thus, the financial industry argues that
the opt-out legislation ensures that consumers will receive these benefits, even if they
do not realize they exist.8
In contrast, consumer advocacy groups claim that financial privacy should be
protected by restricting such information-sharing activities.9 These groups argue that
advances in information technology have caused an erosion in consumer privacy,
leading to more junk mail and telemarketing calls, as well an elevated risk of identity
theft. Thus, consumer groups advocate an “opt-in” law that would require financial
institutions to obtain a consumer’s explicit consent before sharing certain information
among their affiliates.
6 Generally, consumers are given 30 days to respond from the time a notice to opt out is
mailed. They also are allowed to opt out of the information-sharing arrangement at any
time. Consumers need to be aware, however, that any financial information that is shared
prior to opting out cannot be retrieved. For more information, see the Federal Trade
Commission web site, [www.ftc.gov/bcp/conline/pubs/credit/privchoices.htm], visited Feb.
25, 2003.
7 This estimate captures savings from both affiliate and non-affiliate information sharing.
For more information, see Cynthia Glassman, “Customer Benefits from Current Information
Sharing by Financial Services Companies,” an Ernst and Young study conducted for the
Financial Services Roundtable, Dec. 2000.
8 For a perspective on how opt-in restrictions could affect the financial industry, go to the
American Bankers Association web site,
[www.aba.com/Industry+Issues/GR_PR_Opt-in.htm], visited Feb. 25, 2003.
9 For information on the concerns voiced by consumer advocates, visit the Privacy Rights
Clearinghouse web site, [www.privacyrights.org/financial.htm], visited Feb. 25, 2003.

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The Economics of Financial Privacy10
The Economic Value of Information
Economic theory suggests that there are benefits to information sharing. For
example, producers might be able to expend fewer resources on marketing and
product development when they have access to detailed consumer information. That
translates into lower prices and enhanced consumer choices. Similarly, consumers
will spend less time searching to identify products that meet their demands at a
competitive price. Therefore, information sharing can play a positive role in
economic transactions.
To illustrate this point, suppose one wants to buy a new car. The dealer has
many different types of cars on the lot, ranging from economy to luxury. It is in
one’s own interest to let the salesman know what type of car is desired. Search costs
are reduced since the salesman can immediately direct the buyer to that type of car
on the dealer’s lot. Thus, the transaction is made more efficient by releasing detailed
information about one’s preferences to the salesman.
The same rationale can be applied to the market for financial services. For
consumers, junk mail is equivalent to the car salesman presenting a sales pitch for
every single vehicle on the lot. In other words, there exist excess search costs
because a seller has too little information about the buyer’s preferences. If a financial
institution knows whether a customer is interested in purchasing insurance or
applying for a new credit card, then the financial institution can make better decisions
on whether or not to supply that customer with informational materials. Just like the
car example, it is in the best interest of both parties to have the seller know the
customer’s preferences. Therefore, consumers have an incentive to provide this
information to financial institutions, and financial institutions have an incentive to
solicit this information from consumers.11
Economic Efficiency
Although financial information sharing can generate economic benefits,
consumer valuations of these benefits might differ depending on each individual’s
preferences over privacy. Some consumers might not feel comfortable sharing their
personal information with financial companies, either due to a concern of identity
theft or a dislike of intrusive solicitation, while other consumers are less opposed to
giving up a degree of financial privacy in exchange for improved products or
services.
10 The theoretical arguments outlined in this section are applicable to both affiliate and non-
affiliate information sharing.
11 For a more detailed explanation of this economic argument, see Hal R. Varian, “Theory
of Markets and Privacy,” in Privacy and Self-Regulation in the Information Age
(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce, June 1997); online
[www.ntia.doc.gov/reports/privacy/privacy_rpt.htm], visited Feb. 25, 2003.

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Similarly, the magnitude of economic value generated by information sharing
could differ across financial institutions. Thus, it might be more costly to some
financial services providers to offer a greater degree of privacy to their consumers
since it means forgoing potential economic gains.
Under the traditional economic model, competitive market forces will generally
deliver an economically efficient outcome. Applying this theory to the market for
financial information suggests that an efficient amount of information sharing will
occur up to the point where the economic benefits of information sharing are
balanced against the associated costs. Specifically, if the economic value created by
information sharing exceeds the value derived from financial privacy, theory
maintains that the economically efficient outcome would be to share information.
In contrast, if the economic value generated by financial institutions from access to
consumer information does not exceed the consumer benefit from financial privacy,
then economic efficiency dictates that information not be shared.
Market Failures
The conclusion that competitive markets will produce an efficient allocation of
information sharing is contingent upon the assumptions that underlie the theoretical
model. The conditions for a market to deliver an efficient outcome include freedom
of entry and exit of producers, the absence of external effects, or “externalities,” and
perfect information. However, economists agree that these conditions often do not
exist in practice. For instance, economic actors usually do not share symmetrical and
complete understanding about the market, including the economic impact of law or
the market value of financial information. The absence of one or more of these
conditions is said to result in a “market failure,” that is, the market fails to deliver an
economically efficient outcome. In these cases, a prudent mix of government
legislation and market-oriented policies can approximate the forces necessary to
produce an efficient allocation of information sharing. In the market for financial
information, the two most relevant types of market failures are externalities and
imperfect information.12
Externalities. An externality occurs when transactions impact third parties
without due compensation. For example, when your neighbor paints the exterior of
his or her house, this action in turn raises the property value of your own home. This
is an example of a favorable externality to you since you incur an economic gain
without having to compensate your neighbor for the expense of the improvements.
Some economists have argued that there are no externalities in the market for
financial privacy since the information sharing that occurs between consumers and
12 Public goods and imperfect competition are also often referred to in economics literature
as market failures. However, financial information is “excludable” so it cannot be
considered a public good. Furthermore, since there are few regulatory restrictions on entry
and geographic expansion, the financial services industry is often considered to be
competitive.

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financial institutions does not affect other parties.13 However, this view does not
consider the benefit financial institutions receive from accessing the information that
is shared between consumers and non-financial companies. Recall the example of
a consumer purchasing groceries with a credit card. In order to settle the grocery bill,
the consumer must share credit card information with the store clerk. But in today’s
technology-driven world, every financial transaction generates an electronic
information trail. Financial information is a byproduct of non-cash transactions, and,
when compiled into databases, generates value for financial institutions when shared
among their affiliates. Therefore, the economic benefit accrued to financial
institutions is analogous to the benefit you receive when a neighbor paints his or her
house. Since financial institutions do not purchase this information, they are
receiving a favorable externality from being able to access and use the financial
information.
When market externalities exist, economic theory dictates that an efficient
allocation can still be reached when “property rights” are well defined.14 Public
policy effectively assigns the property rights over financial information through the
choice of opt out or opt in. Under the current opt-out legislation, financial
institutions have the right to share a customer’s personal information with their
affiliates. Consumers will choose to opt out when the value of their financial privacy
exceeds the value derived from information sharing. In this case, competitive
financial institutions will have an incentive to compete for those depositors by
bidding up compensation for the use of their information. Similarly, under the
alternative opt-in policy, consumers effectively hold the property rights to their
financial information. In this event, financial institutions will have an incentive to
purchase this information up to the point where the economic gain to them equals the
cost of compensating consumers. Therefore, regardless of how property rights are
assigned, the market can still deliver an economically efficient outcome.15
Imperfect Information. Under GLBA, all financial institutions are required
to send customers an annual privacy policy statement. This document includes a
detailed description of a financial company’s policies related to information sharing
among affiliates.16 Therefore, many economists would argue that all parties have full
and complete information.
13 For more information on this view, see Jeffrey M. Lacker, “The Economics of Financial
Privacy: To Opt Out or Opt In?”, Economic Quarterly, Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond,
Volume 88/3, Summer 2002.
14 The economics literature commonly refers to this result as the Coase theorem, named after
the Nobel Prize-winning economist Ronald H. Coase, who first proposed this idea. The
term “property rights” is a general concept used in economics to represent ownership or
control over a good, and should not be interpreted literally as a legal definition of an
individual’s property rights.
15 Note that this argument depends upon the assumption that transaction costs are zero. The
next section will show how the existence of transaction costs could affect the assignment
of property rights.
16 The statements also describe an institution’s policy about sharing financial information
with other non-affiliated third parties.

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But some consumers claim that privacy notices are confusing and complex, and
consumers might therefore be inadequately informed about their financial privacy
rights. Further, it is possible that consumers do not fully understand the potential
market value of their financial information to the same extent as financial
institutions. That may explain why surveys reveal that a majority of consumers place
a high value on their financial privacy, yet banking industry estimates show that
opting-out rates “hover around 5 percent.”17
Federal Reserve economist Jeffrey Lacker dismisses this view. He argues that
the low opt-out rates are consistent with other evidence on consumers’ privacy
preferences, such as removing their names from telemarketing lists. Furthermore, he
suggests that the reason for the inconsistencies between consumer privacy
preferences, as identified in surveys, and their opt-out rates is because “the value they
place on financial privacy does not exceed the inconvenience of exercising their right
to opt out.”18
Lacker’s argument raises an interesting point, but it remains possible that not
all consumers are fully aware of their right to opt out. Therefore, financial
institutions could be benefitting from asymmetric information about the “rules of the
game,” as well as the market value of consumers’ financial information. In either
case, the economically efficient outcome would not be realized. If consumers do not
fully understand the market value of their financial information, then they might not
opt out even when given the opportunity, and financial institutions could be receiving
economic gains from sharing this information without paying consumers its true
value.
If there is imperfect information, public policy might promote an efficient
allocation of information sharing by assigning property rights to the consumer
through opt-in legislation. Competitive financial institutions would presumably
compete for depositors’ information by bidding up the compensation for financial
information to its true economic value. In this environment, an opt-in policy largely
obviates the need for consumers to understand the actual market value of their
information. Simply put, if a financial institution has to obtain the explicit consent
of its customers, then it will have an incentive to offer compensation to its customers
for the use of their information.
Thin Margins and Transaction Costs
Although it is important to identify the types of market failures that may prevent
an efficient allocation of information sharing, there are other important factors to
consider when deciding upon the optimal policy solution. For example, if thin
margins exist between the economic benefit to financial institutions from sharing
information and the cost of doing so, then an opt-in policy will cause the market for
financial information to unravel. The additional cost required by financial
institutions to compensate consumers might eliminate the economic surplus from
17 W.A. Lee, “Opt-Out Notices Give No One a Thrill,” American Banker, July 10, 2001.
18 Lacker, “The Economics of Financial Privacy: To Opt Out or Opt In?,” p. 11.

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collecting and sharing financial information. As a result, value would be lost as
financial institutions ceased to share information. That would be a detriment to
financial sector profits, as well as to consumers who might not receive the benefits
of better choice in financial products and services. In this event, the effective control
of financial information would more efficiently remain with the financial institutions
by retaining the opt-out restriction as provided in the current law.
Another example is transaction costs. In the previous section on externalities,
it was shown that in terms of economic efficiency, the assignment of property rights
is irrelevant. However, this conclusion assumes that negotiation and transaction
costs are zero, which might not always be true in practice. There could be costs, in
terms of inconvenience and time, to consumers who want to opt out. Similarly,
financial institutions could find it costly to solicit permission from every customer
in order to use their information. If there are significant transaction costs, then
economic theory suggests that an efficient allocation would be one in which the costs
are minimized. If transaction costs are likely to be greater for financial institutions
than consumers in this case, theory holds that the current opt-out policy would
deliver the most economically efficient outcome.
Conclusion
To opt in or opt out? That will be one of the key financial services policy
questions before the 108th Congress this year. And although there are many legal
issues concerning an individual’s fundamental rights, when financial privacy is
viewed as a market, economics can offer important insights into the debate.
Economic theory suggests that there are distinct benefits to information sharing.
In a perfect market, competitive forces will generally deliver an economically
efficient outcome. However, this conclusion is contingent upon several conditions
that underlie the theoretical model. If one or more of these conditions are absent,
then the market will fail to deliver an economically efficient outcome. In these cases,
public policy plays an important role to promote an efficient outcome.
In the market for financial information, the two most relevant types of market
failures are externalities and imperfect information. If externalities exist and
transaction costs are zero, then economic theory indicates that an efficient allocation
of information sharing will occur when property rights are well defined. Opt-out
effectively assigns the property rights over information to financial institutions, while
opt-in awards ownership to consumers. In terms of economic efficiency, it is
irrelevant who owns the property rights to the financial information. However, if
there are significant transaction costs, then an economically efficient outcome can
still be achieved when costs are minimized. In this case, economic theory suggests
that the opt-out policy would more likely deliver an efficient allocation of
information sharing.
In a world with imperfect information, an opt-out policy will fail to produce an
economically efficient outcome since financial institutions will receive the economic
gains from information sharing without paying consumers its true value. Therefore,
opt-in legislation could promote a more economically efficient outcome. If financial

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institutions have to obtain the explicit consent of their customers, then they will have
the incentive to offer compensation to their customers for the use of their
information.
The economically efficient decision before Congress thus comes down to an
empirical matter for which data are needed: whether a market failure might actually
exist in the market for financial information, and if so, what that market failure is.

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