Order Code IB91137
Issue Brief for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
The Middle East Peace Talks
Updated May 14, 2002
Carol Migdalovitz
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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CONTENTS
SUMMARY
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Changed International and Regional Scenes
Role of the United States
Conference Format and Developments
Madrid
Bilateral Talks
Israel-Palestinians
Israel-Syria
Israel-Lebanon
Israel-Jordan
Significant Agreements
Israel-PLO Mutual Recognition
Declaration of Principles
Israel-Jordan Agenda
Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area
The Washington Declaration
Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty
Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement, West Bank — Gaza Strip
Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron
Wye River Memorandum
Sharm al-Shaykh Memorandum
Role of Congress
Aid
Jerusalem
Compliance/Sanctions

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The Middle East Peace Talks
SUMMARY
The end of the Cold War, the decline of
On September 4, 1999, Israeli Prime
the Soviet Union, and the U.S.-led victory in
Minister Barak and Palestinian leader Arafat
the Gulf war facilitated the beginning of a new
signed the Sharm al-Shaykh Memorandum on
peace process in 1991. Israel and the Palestin-
implementing Wye. Israel withdrew from
ians discussed a 5-year period of interim self-
south Lebanon on May 24, 2000. From July
rule leading to a final settlement. Israel and
11-24, President Clinton convened a summit
Syria discussed Israeli withdrawal from the
with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp
Golan Heights in exchange for peace. Israel
David to reach a framework accord, but they
and Jordan discussed relations. Israel and
did not succeed. A Palestinian uprising or
Lebanon focused on Israel’s withdrawal from
intifadah began in September and continues.
its self-declared security zone in south Leba-
On December 23, President Clinton presented
non and reciprocal Lebanese actions.
bridging proposals.

On September 13, 1993, Israel and the
Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
of Israel on February 6, 2001. He said that the
signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP),
results of Camp David and subsequent talks
providing for Palestinian empowerment and
are null and void. The international war
some territorial control. Israel and Jordan
against terrorism after September 11 prompted
signed a peace treaty agenda on September 14,
renewed U.S. focus on ending the violence
1993; Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein
and resuming the peace process. Yet the
affirmed the end of the state of belligerency
situation degenerated with suicide bombings
between Israel and Jordan on July 25; a Peace
and countermeasures. On March 29, 2002,
Treaty was signed on October 26, 1994. Israel
Israel reoccupied Palestinian-ruled areas in “a
and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-
war on the terrorist infrastructure.” It with-
Rule in the West Bank/Oslo II accord on
drew by May 11. Secretary Powell proposed
September 28, 1995. Israel continued
an international foreign ministers’ conference
implementing it despite the November 4
early this summer.
assassination of Prime Minister Rabin.
Congress is interested in the peace talks
Israel suspended talks with Syria after
because of its oversight role in the conduct of
terror attacks in February/March 1996. They
U.S. foreign policy, its support for Israel, and
resumed in December 1999, but were “post-
keen constituent interest. It is concerned about
poned indefinitely” after January 2000.
U.S. financial and other commitments and
Palestinian fulfillment of commitments.
A January 1997 protocol produced Israeli
Congress has appropriated aid for the West
redeployment from Hebron. In 1998, the
Bank and Gaza, with conditions intended to
United States intensively mediated. An Octo-
ensure PLO compliance with agreements with
ber 15-23 summit resulted in the Wye River
Israel. Congress repeatedly endorsed Jerusa-
Memorandum on implementation of earlier
lem as the undivided capital of Israel, and
agreements. The Israeli cabinet froze imple-
many Members seek sanctions on the PLO
mentation on December 20.
and PA.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
On May 2, Secretary Powell, EU, U.N., and Russian officials discussed an international
foreign ministers’ conference early this summer. Secretary Powell said that it would discuss
how the PA reconstructs itself “in a way that is non-corrupt, that is democratic, that is
transparent” and discuss economic and humanitarian issues. Israel released documents
[http://www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/go.asp?MFAH0lom0] to coincide with Prime Minister Sharon’s
May 8 White House visit that it says prove Arafat’s personal involvement in terrorism. The
President emphasized the need to “provide the framework for the growth of a Palestinian
state,” while Sharon said that it is premature to discuss a Palestinian state until he sees
“real reform.” The President said that he would send CIA director Tenet to the region to
help the PA develop a unified, transparent, accountable security force. During the White
House meeting, a Hamas suicide bomb went off south of Tel Aviv, killing 15 and wounding
57. The PA strongly condemned the attack, and Arafat later ordered “the Palestinian
security forces to confront and prevent any terrorist operation directed against Israel from
any Palestinian side whatsoever.” On May 10, a standoff at the Church of the Nativity in
Bethlehem ended with 13 alleged Palestinian militants exiled to Europe and 26 transferred
to Gaza. Israel postponed an incursion into Gaza to retaliate for the May 8 suicide
bombing. On May 12, Sharon’s Likud Party Central Committee voted to oppose creation
of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan River. The Administration reiterated its belief that
peace will come with a two-state solution.
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Since the founding of Israel, Arab-Israeli conflict marked every decade until the 1990s.
With each clash, issues separating the parties multiplied and became more intractable. The
creation of the State of Israel in 1948 provided a home for the Jewish people, but the ensuing
conflict made refugees of thousands of Arab residents of the formerly British Palestine, with
consequences troubling for Arabs and Israelis alike. The 1967 war ended with Israel
occupying territory of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Egypt and Syria fought the 1973 war, in
part, to regain their lands. In 1982, Israel invaded southern Lebanon to prevent terrorist
incursions; it withdrew in 1985, retaining control of a 9-mile “security zone” over which
Lebanon seeks to reclaim. Middle East peace has been a U.S. and international diplomatic
goal throughout the years of conflict. The 1978 Camp David talks, the only previous direct
Arab-Israeli negotiations, brought about the 1979 Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty.
Changed International and Regional Scenes
At the height of the crisis he provoked in 1990, Iraqi President Saddam Husayn offered
to withdraw from Kuwait if Israel withdrew from Arab territories it occupied. The United
States and others denied a linkage, but on the day after the Gulf war began, January 18, 1991,
President Bush declared, “When all this is over, we want to be the healers ....” On March 6,
he defined U.S. postwar goals to include finding solutions to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the
Lebanon situation, and sent Secretary of State Baker to the Middle East to organize a
conference. The end of the Cold War and the decline of the Soviet Union aided him. During
the Gulf war, the Soviets did not use their U.N. veto to prevent action and banned arms

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exports to Iraq. They needed Western aid and agreed with U.S. initiatives. They also were
unable to continue diplomatic, military, and financial aid to Iraq, Syria, and the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO). The failed August 1991 Moscow coup sidelined hard-liners.
U.S. policymakers no longer viewed the Soviet Union as obstructionist and sought it to
cosponsor of a peace conference.
Arab states, whose unity was damaged in the Gulf war, recognized the United States as
the remaining superpower. Egypt, Syria, and the Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain,
the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman) joined the anti-Iraq coalition. Gulf regimes depend
on U.S. and allied military might. Since Camp David, Egypt has been a U.S. ally and the
second largest recipient of U.S. foreign aid. Syria, opposed to Saddam Husayn and seeking
benefactors, sent troops to defend Saudi Arabia. The PLO and Jordan, however, were
sympathetic to Iraq and debilitated by the choice. The Gulf states ended aid for Jordan and
the PLO as Palestinians fled the Gulf, inundating Jordan. European and other sympathy for
the Palestinian cause eroded temporarily as Iraqi missiles hit Israeli civilian sites.
Meanwhile, in the West Bank and Gaza, moderates argued for negotiations to ease the plight
of the people. Thus, each party to the peace conference sought U.S. support: Egypt as a
consequence of Camp David; Syria to replace lost Soviet patronage; Jordan to reclaim lost
goodwill, aid, and trade; the Palestinians for some gain after years of loss; Israel because of
its dependence on external, especially U.S., aid and resources.
Role of the United States
On March 6, 1991, President Bush outlined a framework for peace: grounded in U.N.
Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and the principle of “territory for peace,”
providing for Israel’s security and recognition of Palestinian political rights. Secretary of
State Baker avoided declaring U.S. positions, but provided Israel, Syria, Lebanon, and the
Palestinians non-binding letters of assurance that have not been released officially. He
reportedly accepted Israel’s view that 242 is subject to interpretation, stated that the United
States would not support creation of an independent Palestinian state, and assured Israel that
the United States would give “considerable weight” to Israel’s view that the Golan Heights
are important to its security. He reportedly assured Syria that the United States believes 242
applies to all fronts and gave Lebanon a commitment to its territorial integrity within its
internationally recognized borders. He told the Palestinians that the United States wanted
their legitimate political rights and opposed Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem.
President Clinton said that only the region’s leaders can make peace, and vowed to be
their partner. In February 1993, Secretary of State Christopher defined full partner as an
intermediary or an honest broker, to “probe positions, clarify responses, help define common
ground, offer what may be bridging ideas.” With the Hebron Protocol of 1997, the United
States became an indispensable party to Israeli-Palestinian talks. Clinton mediated the
October 1998 Wye River Memorandum, and the United States undertook to coordinate its
implementation. Clinton personally led negotiations at Camp David in July 2000.
The Bush Administration sought a less prominent role. In March 2001, Secretary of
State Powell said that he would not appoint a special Middle East envoy to Arab-Israeli
negotiations and that “the United States stands ready to assist, not insist. Only the parties
themselves can determine the pace and scope and content of any negotiations ....” After the
September 11, 2002 terrorist attacks on the United States, however, the Administration
focused on the peace process because it needed to ensure Arab support for the war on

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terrorism. Secretary Powell appointed retired General Anthony Zinni to be his special
advisor to work with the Israelis and Palestinians on a cease-fire. Zinni’s mandate is limited;
the Administration appears reluctant to become as deeply immersed in the peace process as
its predecessor.
Conference Format and Developments
Madrid. On October 30, 1991, the conference opened. Parties were represented by 14-
member delegations. A Jordanian/Palestinian delegation had 14 representatives from each.
An unofficial Palestinian advisory team coordinated with the PLO. The United States, the
Soviet Union, Syria, Palestinians/Jordan, the EC, Egypt, Israel, and Lebanon sat at the table.
The U.N., the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the Arab Maghreb Union were observers.
Bilateral Talks
Israel-Palestinians. (Note: Because of space constraints, only selected incidents of
violence, terror, and reprisals are noted.) On November 3, 1991, Israel and the Jordanian/
Palestinian delegation agreed to separate Israel-Jordan and Israel-Palestinians negotiating
tracks, the latter to address a 5-year period of interim self-rule for Palestinians in the West
Bank and Gaza Strip. In the third year, permanent status negotiations were to begin.
On August 9, 1993, Palestinian negotiators were appointed to a PLO coordination
committee, ending a charade that had distanced the PLO from the talks. Israel and the PLO
announced that secret talks in Oslo since January 1993 had produced an August 19
agreement on a Declaration of Principles, signed September 13, 1993. (See Agreements,
below.) Talks begun in October 1993 produced An Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area on May 4, 1994, which incorporated A Protocol on Economic Relations. (See
Agreements, below.) It officially began the 5-year period of interim Palestinian self-rule.
On September 28, 1995, Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Agreement. (See
Agreements, below.) Israel began redeploying on October 10. Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
was assassinated on November 4; Foreign Minister Shimon Peres succeeded him and
redeployed from six cities, and from areas around Hebron by December. On January 20,
1996, Palestinians elected an 88-member Council and Arafat as Chairman. On February 25,
Hamas terrorists perpetrated the first of four suicide bombings in Israel. On April 24, the
Palestine National Council (PNC) amended the Palestinian Charter by canceling “articles
contrary to letters exchanged between the PLO and Israel in September 1993,” i.e., those
calling for the destruction of Israel. Final status talks on borders, security, settlements,
refugees, water, and Jerusalem began ceremonially on May 5.
Binyamin Netanyahu was elected Prime Minister of Israel on May 29, 1996. His
coalition’s guidelines called for negotiations to reach a permanent arrangement on condition
that the Palestinians fulfill all commitments fully, opposed the establishment of a Palestinian
state west of the Jordan River, vowed to ensure the existence and security of Jewish
settlements, and to keep Jerusalem under Israel’s sovereignty. On August 2, his cabinet
abolished most restraints on settlements. In September 1996, Palestinians protested violently
against Israel’s opening of an archaeological tunnel at the base of Jerusalem holy sites. After
an October 1-2 summit, the two sides resumed talks and initialed a Protocol Concerning the
Redeployment in Hebron on January 15, 1997 (See Agreements, below). Israel redeployed
from about 80% of Hebron.

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On February 26, 1997, Israel approved construction of housing at Har Homa/Jabal Abu
Ghneim in south East Jerusalem. On March 7, Israel announced the first of three further
redeployments, from 7% of West Bank territory to Palestinian control and from 2% to joint
Israeli-Palestinian control. The Palestinians demanded 30%, to be consulted, and to control
90% after final redeployment. On March 18, Israel broke ground at Har Homa. On March
21, a suicide bombing occurred in Tel Aviv. On July 30, a double suicide bombing in
Jerusalem killed 13, including one American, and wounded 168. The President and
Secretary of State called on the PA to make a 100% effort on security and sent Special Envoy
Dennis Ross to the region. Israel and the PA agreed to report on the bombing to a panel
including the CIA. On September 4, Hamas exploded three suicide bombs in Jerusalem.
The United States focused on redeployments, security cooperation, accelerated final
status talks, and a timeout on settlement construction and, in September and October 1998,
U.S. officials made a concerted effort to complete implementation of the Interim Accord,
culminating in the Wye River Memorandum of October 23 (see Agreements, below). The
Israeli cabinet approved the Memorandum but said that redeployments depended on the
abrogation of Palestinian Charter articles; that a third redeployment should not be from more
than 1% of territory before a final agreement; and that if the Palestinians unilaterally declare
a state, then Israel reserves the right to apply Israeli law to the rest of the West Bank. On
November 20, Israel completed the first stage of the second redeployment (from 2% of
territory to joint Israeli-Palestinian control and from 7.1% of territory to Palestinian control)
and released 250 Palestinian prisoners.
On December 14, the PNC and others voted to annul the Charter articles. On December
20, Israel froze Wye implementation until the Palestinians abandoned their call for a state
with Jerusalem as its capital, curbed violence and incitement, accepted Israeli prisoner
releases, collected and destroyed illegal weapons, and resumed security cooperation. Europe
and the United States forestalled a Palestinian declaration of statehood on May 4, 1999. In
March, the European Union (EU) reaffirmed the “Palestinian right to self-determination
including the option of a state ....” On April 26, President Clinton wrote, “We support the
aspirations of the Palestinian people to determine their own future on their land.”
Ehud Barak defeated Netanyahu in the May 17, 1999 election. Barak and Arafat signed
the Sharm al-Shaykh Memorandum on September 4, 1999. (See Agreements, below.) Israel
released prisoners, and transferred civilian control of 7% of the West Bank to the
Palestinians. Final status talks resumed ceremonially on September 13. The Palestinians
gave Israel 30,000 police officers’ names. Israel released more prisoners, opened a safe
passage between the West Bank and Gaza and a major road in Hebron, and redeployed from
5% of the West Bank on January 5, 2000. The two sides failed to conclude a framework for
a final status accord by February 13, 2000, as called for at Sharm al-Shaykh.
On March 8, Barak and Arafat agreed to resume negotiations. Israel transferred 6.1%
of the West Bank territory to complete the second redeployment. The two sides did not meet
a new May deadline for a framework. In May, Israeli soldiers fought Palestinian
demonstrators and police. The Palestinians withdrew from talks because Israel’s offer of
territory lacked geographic contiguity. Talks resumed on June 1, and later moved to the
United States.
Clinton, Barak, and Arafat held a summit at Camp David, from July11 to July 24, to
forge a framework accord on final status issues. They did not succeed. The parties had
agreed that there would be no agreement unless all issues were resolved. Jerusalem was the

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major obstacle. Israel proposed that it remain united under its sovereignty, leaving the
Palestinians control over East Jerusalem and Muslim holy sites. Israel was willing to cede
more than 90% of the West Bank, wanted to annex settlements where about 130,000 settlers
live, and offered to admit thousands of Palestinian refugees in a family unification program.
An international fund would compensate other refugees as well as Israelis from Arab
countries. The Palestinians reportedly were willing to accept Israeli control over the Jewish
quarter of Jerusalem and the Western Wall but sought sovereignty over East Jerusalem,
particularly the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, a site holy to Jews and Muslims. (See CRS
Report RS20648, Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: Camp David Negotiations.)
On September 28, Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon, with 1,000 security forces,
visited the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif. Palestinians protested, and Israel responded
forcefully. The second Palestinian intifadah or uprising began. On October 12, a mob in
Ramallah killed two Israeli soldiers, provoking Israeli helicopter gunship attacks on
Palestinian official sites. U.S. and other diplomats called a summit in Sharm al-Shaykh on
October 16 and set up an international fact-finding committee to look into the violence.
Barak resigned on December 10, triggering an early election for Prime Minister.
Further negotiations were held at Bolling Air Force Base, December 19-23. On December
23, President Clinton suggested that Israel cede sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram
al-Sharif and Arab neighborhoods in Jerusalem and 96% of the West Bank and all of the
Gaza Strip, and annex settlement blocs in exchange for giving the Palestinians Israeli land
near Gaza. Jerusalem would be the capital of two countries. The Palestinians would cede
the right of refugees to return to Israel and accept a Jewish “connection” to the Temple
Mount and sovereignty over the Western Wall and holy sites beneath it. Israeli forces would
remain in the Jordan Valley for 3 to 6 years to control borders, and then be replaced by an
international force. The agreement would declare “an end to conflict.” Barak said he would
accept the plan as a basis for further talks if Arafat did so. Arafat sought clarifications on
contiguity of Palestinian state territory, the division of East Jerusalem, and refugees’ right
of return, among other issues. The talks concluded at Taba, Egypt.
On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel. He vowed to
retain united Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, the Jordan Valley and other security areas.
Sharon’s associates asserted that the results of negotiations at and since Camp David were
“null and void.” The Bush Administration said that Clinton’s proposals “were no longer
United States proposals.” Sharon said that he sought an interim agreement, not dealing with
Jerusalem, Palestinian refugees, or a Palestinian state. On April 13, Sharon said that he
could accept a disarmed Palestinian state on 42% of the West Bank, about 2% more than the
Palestinians control. Palestinians insisted that talks restart from where they left off at Taba.
On April 30, the international fact-finding commission led by former Senator George
Mitchell submitted a report on the causes of the violence and made recommendations for
ending it, rebuilding confidence, and resuming negotiations. (See Mitchell Commission
Report [http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/nea/mitchell.htm]) On June 12, the two sides agreed
to CIA Director Tenet’s work plan to cement the cease-fire and restore security cooperation.
(See the ProQuest web site for an unofficial version of Tenet
[http://proquest.umi.com/pqdlink?Ver=1&Exp=05-22-2002&VAULT=1&FMT=FT&DI
D=000000105579295&REQ=1&Cert=BhlBRnAGfc01tTsgWJZOzz4DXpYkOU1ABzq
KyEafeGhhMovbEAANcgNfbwcfe7OeJDEQIde7RGizGXg4%2fF6Q9Q--].) On June 28,
Israel and Palestinians agreed to a 7-day period without violence to be followed by a 6-week
cooling-off period. Secretary of State Powell said that it was up to Sharon to determine if

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violence abated adequately. On July 19, the G-8 group of industrialized powers, including
the United States, said “third-party monitoring, accepted by both parties” would aid in
implementing the Mitchell report.
On August 8, Hamas detonated a suicide bomb at a Jerusalem pizzeria, killing 15 and
wounding over 100. On August 10, Israeli forces seized Orient House, the center of
Palestinian national activity in East Jerusalem. On August 26, Palestinian guerrillas killed
five soldiers at an Israeli army post in Gaza. Israeli forces repeatedly entered Palestinian
territory. The State Department objected to such incursions because they try to reverse
agreements that were made in the past. On August 27, Israel killed the head of the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). On August 28, the U.S. State Department
spokesman noted that targeted killings “are only inflaming an already volatile situation.”
On September 24, Sharon declared, “Israel wants to give the Palestinians what no one
else gave them before, the possibility of a state.” On October 2, President Bush said for the
first time, “The idea of a Palestinian state has always been part of a vision, so long as the
right of Israel to exist is respected.” Israel began to ease its blockade of Palestinian areas
but stopped after the PFLP assassinated its Minister of Tourism on October 17.
On November 10, President Bush had told the U.N. General Assembly that the United
States is “working toward the day when two states – Israel and Palestine – live peacefully
together within secure and recognized borders....” On November 19, Secretary of State
Powell announced that he was sending retired General Anthony Zinni to work with Israelis
and Palestinians on a durable cease-fire to revive peacemaking. Violence escalated before
and surged after Zinni arrived on November 26. Israel retaliated by destroying Arafat’s
helicopters and runway, attacking PA buildings and infrastructure, and tightening its closure
of West Bank cities. Israel confined Arafat in Ramallah on December 3. On December 7,
Sharon said that he believed in a gradual solution and that Jerusalem and the right of return
of the refugees were “problems to which there were no answers,” adding, “it’s hard to believe
that one can get into an agreement with Arafat, who is a real terrorist....”
In December, Zinni met with Israeli and Palestinian security chiefs. On December 12,
Hamas ambushed an Israeli bus in the West Bank and perpetrated two simultaneous suicide
bombings in Gaza. The Israeli security cabinet charged that Arafat was “directly
responsible” for the attacks ... “and therefore is no longer relevant .... Israel will no longer
have any connection with him.” It also decided to undertake military operations to arrest
terrorists and confiscate weapons. On December 16, Zinni was recalled for consultations.
On the same day, Arafat called for “a comprehensive cessation of all armed activities ...
especially suicide attacks.” The Israeli military reported a sharp decrease in violence after
Arafat’s speech.
Zinni visited the region again, January 3-7, 2002. On January 3, however, focus shifted
as Israel seized a Palestinian-commanded freighter, the Karine A, in the Red Sea carrying
50 tons of Iranian-supplied arms. On January 9, Hamas killed four Israeli soldiers an army
post in Gaza to retaliate for the seizure of the ship. In response, Israeli forces destroyed 54
homes in a Gaza refugee camp, tore up the Gaza airport runway, and fired missiles at a
Palestinian naval base in Gaza. The State Department supported Israel’s self-defense but not
the destruction of homes. Concerning Arafat’s confinement, the U.S. Administration
expressed “understanding” of Israel’s need to take steps in self-defense and to focus Arafat
on improving the security situation.

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On February 2, in the New York Times, Arafat said “I condemn the attacks carried out
by terrorist groups against Israeli civilians ... and I am determined to put an end to their
activities.” He restated his commitment to a “two-state solution” and said that he was
willing to negotiate “creative solutions to the plight of the refugees while respecting Israel’s
demographic concerns.” Arafat later said he would like Palestinian refugees returned from
Lebanon over 3 to 5 years. On February 5, Secretary Powell told a Senate committee that
Arafat “cannot engage with us and others in the pursuit of peace, and at the same time permit
or tolerate continued violence and terror.” When Sharon visited the White House on February
7, President Bush said that he would continue to pressure Arafat to take “serious, concrete,
real steps to reduce terrorist activity.” Sharon said that he believed that pressure should be
put on Arafat so that an alternative Palestinian leadership could emerge.
On February 10, Hamas fired its new Qassam-2 rocket at Israel, near the Gaza Strip.
Two Hamas gunmen fired at Israel’s Southern Command headquarters in Beersheva, killing
two and wounding four. In response, Israeli F-16s and helicopters struck targets in Gaza.
The State Department called the use of the rocket “troubling”, and said that Israel’s attacks
were “counterproductive” and too close to civilian areas.
In remarks to a New York Times columnist published on February 17, Saudi Crown
Prince Abdullah said that he had drafted a speech calling for “full withdrawal from all
occupied territories, in accord with U.N. resolutions, including Jerusalem, for full
normalization of relations” but changed his mind about delivering it “when Sharon took the
violence and oppression to an unprecedented level.” The Crown Prince’s advisor later said
that the details were for Israel, the Palestinians, Syria, and Lebanon to negotiate. Secretary
Powell said that Abdullah’s statement was “an important step.” President Bush praised it as
“a note of hope.” Sharon said that he was willing to explore the proposals but it would be
a “mistake” to replace U.N. resolutions regarding Israel’s right to “secure and recognized
borders” with an unacceptable, to him, demand for a total withdrawal to pre-1967 borders.
On February 28, Israeli ground forces launched an assault on West Bank refugee camps
that they said were “bases of terror infrastructure,” beginning a three-week reoccupation of
Palestinian areas. Palestinian suicide bombers and gunmen from Al Aqsa, the PIJ, Hamas,
and the PFLP continued to exact a high toll on Israelis.
President Bush sent General Zinni back to the region. Sharon abandoned his demand
for 7 days of absolute quiet before talks and announced that “negotiations to stop the
shooting will be held under fire.” A Palestinian spokesman said that the Palestinians would
not hold talks “without a comprehensive Israeli withdrawal.” On March 14, President Bush
said, “it’s not helpful what the Israelis have recently done (reoccupy Palestinian-controlled
areas) in order to create conditions for peace.” On March 15, the State Department
spokesman called for a full Israeli withdrawal to facilitate Zinni’s work. Israel withdrew by
March 19. After March 20, Hamas or the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades perpetrated daily
suicide bombings, leading President Bush and Secretary Powell to urge Arafat to do more
to stop terror. They sympathized with Israel’s need for self-defense.
On March 27, Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah proposed that the Arab League summit
offer “normal relations and security for Israel in exchange for full withdrawal from the
occupied Arab territories, recognition of an independent Palestinian state with al-Quds al
Sharif (Noble Jerusalem) as its capital, and the return of refugees.” The summit’s Beirut
Declaration [http://www.Saudiembassy.net/press_release/statements/02-ST-0328-Beirut.htm]

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endorsed the plan. The summit communique also saluted the Palestinian intifadah against
occupation and called for stopping the establishment of ties with Israel.
Also on March 27, a Hamas suicide bomber attacked an Israeli hotel in Netanya, killing
27 and wounding 130. The Israeli cabinet declared Arafat “an enemy” and, on March 29,
sent troops to besiege his compound in Ramallah, beginning a wide-ranging war on the
“terrorist infrastructure.” Within a week, Israeli forces controlled all major Palestinian-ruled
West Bank cities. U.N. Security Council Resolution 1402, March 30, called on the parties
to move immediately to a meaningful cease-fire and on Israel to withdraw.
On April 4, President Bush delivered a speech on the Middle East
[http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/04/20020404-1.html], chastising Arafat,
Arab nations, and Israel, and urging Israel to begin withdrawing from Palestinian areas. The
President sent Powell to the region to seek international support for his vision,
implementation of Resolution 1402, and the Tenet and Mitchell plans. On April 6, President
Bush emphasized that Israel must withdraw its forces “without delay.” Sharon said that
Israel would “make every effort to accelerate” its mission. Several days later, he said that
the army would continue to operate “until the mission has been accomplished” and “terrorist
infrastructures are uprooted.” He also said, “Peace can only be attained if, once we evacuate
the territories, we find a responsible Palestinian leadership.” Secretary Powell met moderate
Arab, United Nations, and European Union leaders and representatives. The Arabs
demanded Israel’s withdrawal, U.S. recognition that Arafat is the main negotiator for the
Palestinians, and that the United States deal with security and political goals at the same
time. Powell subsequently said that he would meet with Arafat as “the leader of the
Palestinian people.” Powell arrived in Israel on April 10. On April 10, Hamas perpetrated
a suicide bombing on a bus in near Haifa, in northern Israel, killing 8 and wounding 17. On
April 12, Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades perpetrated a suicide bombing in Jerusalem, killing 6
and injuring 84.
Secretary Powell expressed concern over the “humanitarian situation in Jenin,”on April
13, then Arafat condemned “all terrorist activities” and “all the attacks targeting civilians
from both sides.” Powell met Sharon three times and Arafat twice over six days. On April
14, Sharon proposed that the United States host a regional conference to which Israel, Egypt,
Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco, and “Palestinian representatives,” but not Arafat, would be
invited. On April 15, Powell said that a conference might be a way to get to a political track
quickly and that it could be held on a ministerial, not head of state, level. It could restore
hope and resume negotiations for a comprehensive settlement. Sharon gave President Bush
an estimated timetable for withdrawals but said that troops would remain in Ramallah until
“terrorists” inside Arafat’s compound were handed over and in Bethlehem, near the Church
of the Nativity, where 200 Palestinians took refuge. He also said that Israeli forces would
remain surrounding Palestinians cities. Before he left Israel on April 18, Powell emphasized
a “comprehensive strategy”: security and freedom from terror and violence, serious and
accelerated negotiations leading to a political settlement, and economic humanitarian
assistance for the Palestinians.
On April 25, Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia gave President Bush an eight-
point Palestinian-Saudi peace proposal. On April 28, the Israeli cabinet agreed to a U.S.-
British plan for six wanted Palestinians hiding in Arafat’s compound to be taken to a
Palestinian jail in Jericho under non-military U.S. and British supervision. Israeli forces
then withdrew from Ramallah on May 2, enabling Arafat to travel freely.

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Israel-Syria. Syria seeks to regain sovereignty over the Golan Heights, 450 square
miles of land along the border that Israel seized in 1967. Israel applied its law and
administration to the region in December 1981, an act other governments do not recognize.
Syria initially referred to its goal as an end to the state of belligerency, not a peace treaty,
preferred a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace, and disdained separate agreements between
Israel and Arab parties. Israel emphasized peace, defined as open borders, diplomatic,
cultural, and commercial relations, security, and access to water resources.
In 1992, Israel agreed that 242 applies to all fronts. Syria submitted a draft declaration
of principles, reportedly referring to a “peace agreement.” Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
accepted withdrawal on the Golan, without defining it, pending Syria’s definition of “peace.”
On September 23, 1992, the Syrian Foreign Minister promised “total peace in exchange for
total withdrawal.” Israel offered only “withdrawal.” In 1993, Syrian President Asad
announced interest in peace and suggested that bilateral tracks might progress at different
speeds. In June, Secretary Christopher said that the United States might be willing to
guarantee security arrangements in the context of a sound agreement on the Golan.
On January 16, 1994, President Clinton reported that Asad had told him that Syria was
ready for talks about “normal peaceful relations” with Israel. The sides inched toward each
other on a withdrawal and normalization timetable. Asad again told President Clinton on
October 27 that he was committed to normal peaceful relations in return for full withdrawal.
Israeli and Syrian chiefs of staff met in December.
On March 20, 1995, ambassadorial talks resumed. On May 24, Israel and Syria
announced terms of reference for senior military experts to meet under U.S. auspices. Syria
reportedly conceded that demilitarized and thinned-out zones may take topographical
features into account and be unequal, if security arrangements were equal. Chiefs of staff
discussed principles for security arrangements. Israel offered Syria an early-warning ground
station in northern Israel in exchange for Golan stations, but Syria insisted on aerial
surveillance only and that each country monitor the other from its own territory and receive
U.S. satellite photographs. It was proposed that Syria demilitarize 6 miles for every 3.6
miles Israel demilitarizes. Rabin said that Israeli troops must man early-warning stations on
the Golan after its return to Syria. Syria said that this would infringe on its sovereignty, but
a government-controlled media commentary accepted international or friendly forces in the
stations. Talks resumed at the Wye Plantation in Maryland in December 1995, but were
suspended when Israeli negotiators went home after terrorist attacks in February/March 1996.
The new Israeli government called for negotiations, but said that the Golan is essential
to Israel’s security and water needs and that retaining sovereignty would be the basis for an
arrangement with Syria. Netanyahu suggested a Lebanon-first approach. Asad refused, and
would not agree to talks unless Israel honored prior understandings, claiming that Rabin had
promised total withdrawal to the June 4, 1967 border (as opposed to the international border
of 1923). Israeli negotiators contend that Rabin had suggested full withdrawal was possible
only if Syria met Israel’s security and normalization needs and those needs were not met.
On January 26, 1999, the Israeli Knesset passed a law requiring a 61-member majority and
a national referendum to approve the return of any part of the Golan Heights to Syria.
In June, Prime Minister-elect Barak and Asad exchanged compliments through a British
writer. In July, Syrian Vice President Khaddam told radical Palestinian groups to end their
armed struggle against Israel and Syria prevented Hizballah from firing rockets into Israel,
but not from targeting Israeli forces in south Lebanon. Israel and Syria agreed to restart talks

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from “the point where they left off,” with each side defining the point to its satisfaction.
Barak and Syrian Foreign Minister Shar’a led delegations which met in Washington on
December 15-16, 1999, and in Shepherdstown, WV from January 3-10, 2000. President
Clinton intervened. On January 7, the United States presented a summary of points of accord
and discord. As published by an Israeli newspaper, it revealed Israel’s apparent success in
delaying discussion of borders and winning concessions on normal relations and an early-
warning station. Reportedly because of Syrian anger over the leak of the document, talks
scheduled to resume on January 19, 2000, were “postponed indefinitely.”
On March 26, President Clinton met Asad in Geneva. A White House spokesman
reported “significant differences remain” and said that it would not be productive for talks
to resume. Barak indicated that disagreements centered on Israel’s reluctance to withdraw
to the June 1967 border and cede access to the Sea of Galilee, on security arrangements, and
on the early-warning station. Shar’a agreed that the border/Sea issue had been the main
obstacle. Asad died on June 10; his son, Bashar, succeeded him. Ariel Sharon became
Prime Minister of Israel in February 2001 and vowed to retain the Golan Heights.

Israel-Lebanon. As called for by Security Council Resolution 425, Lebanon sought
unconditional Israeli military withdrawal from the 9-mile “security zone” in southern
Lebanon and the end of Israel’s support for militias in the south and of shelling of villages
that Israel claimed were sites of Hizballah activity. Israel claimed no Lebanese territory but
sought security and said that it would withdraw when the Lebanese army controlled the south
and prevented Hizballah attacks on northern Israel. Lebanon repeatedly sought a withdrawal
schedule in exchange for addressing Israel’s security concerns. The two sides never agreed.
Syria, which dominates Lebanon, said that Israel-Syria progress should come first. In July
1993, Israel conducted a large assault to stop Hizballah attacks; 250,000 people fled south
Lebanon. Secretary of State Christopher arranged a cease-fire. In March/April 1996, Israel
again attacked Hizballah targets, and Hizballah fired rockets into northern Israel. An April
26 cease-fire accord barred Hizballah attacks into Israel and Israeli attacks on civilian targets
in Lebanon and all attacks on civilians or civilian areas. Each side retained the right of self-
defense. U.S., French, Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli representatives monitored the cease-fire.
On January 5, 1998, Defense Minister Mordechai said that Israel was ready to withdraw
from southern Lebanon if the second part of Resolution 425, calling for the restoration of
peace and security in the region, were implemented. He and Netanyahu then proposed that
Israel withdraw in exchange for security, not peace and normalization. On April 1, the Israeli
cabinet accepted 425. Lebanon and Syria called for an unconditional Israeli withdrawal.
Violence in northern Israel and southern Lebanon increased in November and December,
prompting the Israeli cabinet to reaffirm its opposition to a unilateral withdrawal twice. In
April 1999, Israel “downsized” its force in Lebanon. In June, the Israeli-allied South
Lebanese Army withdrew from Jazzin, north of the security zone. New Prime Minister
Barak promised to withdraw from southern Lebanon in one year, or by July 7, 2000, while
maintaining security for northern Israel.
On September 4, 1999, Lebanese Prime Minister Al-Hoss confirmed his country’s
commitment to 425 and support for the “resistance” against the occupation, i.e., Hizballah.
He argued that Palestinian refugees residing in Lebanon have the right to return to their
homeland, and rejected their implantation in Lebanon. Al-Hoss did not accept Secretary of
State Albright’s statement that Palestinian refugees in Lebanon will be a subject of Israeli-
Palestinian final status talks, insisting that Lebanon should be a party to such talks.

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On March 5, 2000, the Israeli cabinet voted to withdraw from southern Lebanon by July.
Lebanon warned that it would not guarantee security for northern Israel unless Israel also
withdrew from the Golan and worked to resolve the refugee issue. On April 17, Israel
informed the U.N. of its plan. On May 12, Lebanon informed the U.N. that Israel’s
withdrawal would not be complete unless it included Sheba’a farms near the Golan. On May
23, the U.N. Secretary General noted that almost all of Sheba’a is within the area of
operations of the U.N. Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) overseeing the 1974
Israeli-Syrian disengagement, and recommended proceeding without prejudice to later border
agreements. On May 23, the SLA collapsed, and on May 24 Israel completed its withdrawal.
Hizballah took over the former security zone. On June 18, the U.N. Security Council agreed
that Israel had withdrawn. The U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) began to deploy to
the border region in July, but only 400 U.N. troops deployed by December because the
Lebanese army had failed to back them against Hizballah. (See CRS Report RL31078, The
Shi’ba Farms Dispute and Its Implications.)
On October 7, Hizballah shelled northern Israel and captured three Israeli soldiers.
(Israel has since declared them to be dead.) On October 16, Hizballah announced that it had
captured an Israeli colonel. On November 13, U.N. Security Council members said that
Lebanon was obliged to “take effective control of the whole area vacated by Israel ....” On
April 16 and July 2, 2001, Israel, claiming Syria controls Hizballah, bombed Syrian radar
sites in Lebanon after Hizballah attacked its soldiers in Sheba’a. In April, the U.N. warned
Lebanon that unless it deployed to the border, UNIFIL would be diminished or phased out.
On January 28, 2002, the Security Council voted to cut UNIFIL to 2,000 by the end of 2002.
During Israel’s massive military operations against Palestinian-ruled areas, on March
29 and subsequently, Hizballah shelled Israeli positions in Sheba’a and northern Israel. Israel
responded with air strikes, and was concerned about a possible second front. At Israel’s
request, U.N. Secretary General Annan contacted the Syrian and Lebanese Presidents, and
on April 8, Vice President Cheney called President Asad to warn him that the situation could
spiral out of control. Syria denied that it or Lebanon is interested in opening a second front.
On April 12, Secretary Powell visited Israel’s northern command and called on Syria to curb
Hizballah. On April 15, Powell visited Lebanon and Syria to urge them to act immediately
to stop the attacks. The shelling stopped for some days and then resumed.
Israel-Jordan. Of Jordan’s 3.4 million people, 55 to 70% are Palestinian; government
figures acknowledge 40%. An estimated 300,000 Palestinians displaced by the Gulf War
fled to Jordan. Jordan hoped an Israel-Palestinian accord would ease its economic problems
by producing international aid. Jordan would not ratify a June 1993 agenda on water, energy,
environment, and economic matters before other Arab parties reached accords. It was
initialed on September 14, 1993, after the Israeli-Palestinian DOP was signed.
Rabin reportedly met King Hussein secretly on September 26, 1993. On October 1,
Crown Prince Hassan, Foreign Minister Peres, and President Clinton agreed to set up a
Trilateral Economic Committee. In June 1994, Israel and Jordan held talks on boundaries,
water, energy, moving talks to the region, and trade and economic relations. Rabin and King
Hussein opened a border crossing for third country tourists on August 8. A peace treaty was
signed on October 26 (see Agreements below). The border was demarcated and Israel
withdrew from Jordanian land on February 9, 1995. More agreements followed.
On March 9, 1997, King Hussein charged that Netanyahu was “bent on destroying the
peace process....” On September 25, 1997, Israeli agents failed to assassinate a Hamas

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official in Jordan. King Hussein demanded that Israel release Hamas founder Shaykh
Yasmin, which it did on October 1, with 70 Jordanian and Palestinian prisoners in exchange
for the detained agents. On December 5, 1998, the King again lambasted Netanyahu. He
called for Jordan-Palestinian coordination, observing that many final status issues are
Jordanian national interests. King Hussein died on February 7, 1999.
On February 28, 1999, Netanyahu and King Abdullah II reaffirmed their dedication to
peace. Abdullah has said that the Palestinians should administer the Muslim holy sites in
Jerusalem, a traditional responsibility of the Jordanian royal family, but rejected a Jordanian-
Palestinian confederation. He indicated that warmer relations with Israel depend upon
progress toward peace with the Palestinians and Syria, and proposed that Jerusalem be an
Israeli and a Palestinian capital. On November 21, 2000, Jordan stopped accreditation of
its new ambassador to Israel because of Israel’s “aggression” against the Palestinians.
Significant Agreements
Israel-PLO Mutual Recognition. On September 9, 1993, Arafat recognized Israel’s
right to exist, accepted U.N. Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, the Middle East
peace process, and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. He renounced terrorism and violence
and undertook to prevent them, stated that articles of the Palestinian Charter that contradict
his commitments are invalid, undertook to submit Charter changes to the Palestine National
Council, and called upon his people to reject violence. Rabin recognized the PLO as the
representative of the Palestinian people and agreed to negotiate with it.
Declaration of Principles. On August 29, 1993, Israel and the Palestinians
announced that they had agreed on a Declaration of Principles on interim self-government
for the West Bank and Gaza on August 19, after secret negotiations in Oslo, Norway, since
January 1993. Effective October 13, it called for Palestinian self-rule in Gaza and Jericho;
transfer of authority over education, culture, health, social welfare, direct taxation, and
tourism in the West Bank and Gaza to Palestinians; election in 9 months of a Palestinian
Council with jurisdiction over the West Bank and Gaza; Palestinian residents of East
Jerusalem will vote; Israeli troops to redeploy from Palestinian population centers before the
election and further as Palestinian police assume responsibility for public order; joint Israeli-
Palestinian committees for issues such as economic cooperation and dispute resolution; the
parties to invite Jordan and Egypt to establish cooperative arrangements that will decide
modalities of admission of persons displaced in 1967, etc. During the interim period, Israel
responsible for external security, settlements, Israelis, and foreign relations. Permanent
status negotiations will begin in the third year of interim rule and may include Jerusalem.
Israel-Jordan Agenda. Initialed on September 14, 1993, with sections on security,
water, refugees and displaced persons, borders and territorial matters, bilateral cooperation
on natural and human resources, infrastructure, and economic areas. Reaffirms the 1967
international border; Israel to withdraw from two small strips of land seized in 1968.
Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area. Signed on May 4, 1994,
provides for Israeli withdrawal from Gaza/Jericho to begin immediately and to be complete
within three weeks. Israel to evacuate all military bases, hand them over to Palestinian
police, and redeploy to settlements and military installations. Israelis may use roads within
Gaza/Jericho and Palestinians may use public roads crossing settlements. Palestinian police
to be responsible for public order and internal security. Authority to be transferred from the

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Israeli military government and civil administration to the PA. The PA will consist of 24
members with legislative and executive powers and established administrative units. The
Authority’s territorial jurisdiction includes land, subsoil, and territorial waters. Israel retains
jurisdiction over foreign relations, external security, and security of settlements. The PLO
may conclude economic, assistance, and regional development agreements with international
organizations and foreign states. The PA may promulgate laws, regulations, and other
legislative acts. The Palestinians may have a police force, but not other armed forces. Israel
is to release 5,000 Palestinian prisoners within five weeks and negotiate release of others.
The parties agree to a Temporary International Presence of 400 for 6 months. The accord
began the 5-year period of interim self-rule.
The Washington Declaration. Signed on July 25, 1994. Terminates state of
belligerency; King Hussein declared an end to the state of war at the signing ceremony.
Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty. Signed on October 26, 1994. An international
boundary will be delimited within 9 months with reference to that of the former British
Mandate. Each party will refrain from threats or use of force against the other and from
joining alliances hostile to the other and will remove restrictions from normal economic
relations and terminate economic boycotts. Problems of displaced persons (from 1967) will
be resolved in a committee with Egypt and the Palestinians and of refugees (from 1948) in
the multilateral framework. Israel respects Jordan’s role in the mosques in Jerusalem and
will give it high priority in permanent status negotiations. Unrevealed annexes reportedly
called for Jordan to lease one sq. mi. to Israelis for a renewable 25-year period and for Israel
to provide Yarmuk River water and desalinized water to Jordan; dams will be built on the
Yarmuk and Jordan Rivers to yield more water.
Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement, West Bank — Gaza Strip. (Also
called the Taba Accords or Oslo II.) Signed on September 28, 1995. Annexes deal with
security arrangements, elections, civil affairs, legal matters, economic relations, Israeli-
Palestinian cooperation, and the release of Palestinian prisoners. Negotiations on permanent
status and relations with neighboring countries will begin in May 1996. An 82-member
Palestinian Council and Head of the Council’s Executive Authority will be elected after
Israeli redeployment from populated areas in the West Bank. Palestinian residents of
Jerusalem will participate in the elections by mail and may stand for election if they have a
second address in the West Bank or Gaza. The Israeli Defense Force will redeploy from
Jenin, Nablus, Tulkarm, Qalqilyah, Ramallah, and Bethlehem, and 450 towns and villages.
Israel will redeploy in Hebron, except where necessary for security of Israelis. Israel will be
responsible for external security and the security of Israelis and settlements. Palestinians will
be totally responsible for Area “A,” the six cities. Israeli responsibility for overall security
will have precedence over Palestinian responsibility for public order in Area “B,” Palestinian
towns and villages. Israel will retain full responsibility in Area “C,” unpopulated areas.
Further redeployments will take place in 6-month intervals following the Council’s
inauguration, with Palestinians gaining territorial jurisdiction over more of Area C, subject
to land rights of Israelis and provision of services to settlements. Palestinian Charter articles
calling for the destruction of Israel will be revoked within two months of the Council’s
inauguration. Israel and the Palestinians will cooperate against terrorism. Palestinians will
have a police force of 12,000, issue arms’ permits, and confiscate illegal arms. Israelis may
not be arrested by Palestinian police. Responsibility for religious sites will be transferred to
the Palestinians, with freedom of access and of worship guaranteed. Israel will increase
water allocated to Palestinians. Further increases to be based on increases in resources

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developed though international funding and channels, including the U.S.-Palestinian-Israeli
forum. Israel will release Palestinian prisoners in three stages: upon signing of the
agreement, on the eve of elections, and according to other principles to be established.
Economic Annex of the Gaza-Jericho Agreement, with minor changes, is incorporated.
Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron. Initialed by Israel and the
PA on January 15, 1997. Details security arrangements. In Notes for the Record, Israel
agreed to prisoner release in accordance with the Interim Agreement (above) and to resume
negotiations on safe passage between Gaza and the West Bank, Gaza Airport and port,
economic, and other issues. The Palestinians reaffirmed their commitment to revise their
Charter, to fight terror, and to keep police force size in line with the Interim accord.
Permanent status negotiations were to resume within two months after implementation of the
Protocol. Christopher wrote a letter to Netanyahu, stating that it remains U.S. policy to
promote full implementation of the Interim Agreement and that he had advised Arafat that
Israeli redeployments would be completed no later than mid-1998– defined by U.S. Special
Envoy Ross as August 1998.
Wye River Memorandum. Signed on October 23, 1998. Delineates steps to be
taken over a 12-week period to complete implementation of the Interim Agreement and of
agreements specified in Notes for the Record that accompanied the Hebron Protocol. Israel
will redeploy from territories in the West Bank in exchange for Palestinian security
measures. The PA will have complete or shared responsibility for 40% of the West Bank,
of which it will have complete control of 18.2%. Palestinians ensure systematic combat of
terrorist organizations and their infrastructure. Their work plan will be shared with the
United States. A U.S.-Palestinian committee will review steps to counter terrorism. The
Palestinians will prohibit illegal weapons. The Palestinians will prohibit incitement to
violence and terror and establish mechanisms to act against provocateurs.
A U.S.-Palestinian-Israeli committee will monitor incitement and recommend how to
prevent it. Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation will be full, continuous, and
comprehensive. A trilateral committee will meet not less than biweekly to assess threats and
deal with impediments to cooperation. The Palestinians will provide a list of their policemen
to the Israelis. The PLO Executive and Central Committees will reaffirm the January 22,
1998, letter from Arafat to President Clinton that specified articles of the Palestinian Charter
that had been nullified in April 1996. The Palestine National Council will reaffirm these
decisions. President Clinton will address this conclave. The two sides agreed on a Gaza
industrial estate and on a protocol for opening the Gaza airport. They agreed to work to
agree on safe passage between the Gaza Strip and West Bank and on a Gaza seaport.
Permanent status talks will resume when the Memorandum takes effect. A time line is an
“integral attachment” to the Memorandum. U.S. officials provided both sides with letters of
assurance regarding U.S. policies. (See CRS Report 98-911, Israeli-Palestinian Peace
Process: The Wye River Memorandum.)
Sharm al-Shaykh Memorandum. (Also called Wye II.) Signed on September 4,
1999. Agreed to resume permanent status negotiations in an accelerated manner by
September 13, to make a determined effort to conclude a framework agreement on permanent
status issues in five months, and to conclude a comprehensive agreement on permanent status
within one year or by September 13, 2000. They also agreed on other Wye issues. (See CRS
Report RS20341, Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Sharm el Sheikh Memorandum.)

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Role of Congress
Aid. (See also CRS Report RS20895, Palestinians: U.S. Assistance, and RL31342,
Middle East: U.S. Foreign Assistance, FY2001, FY2002, and FY2003 Request.) In 1993,
President Clinton said that the United States would compensate Israel for risks involved in
peace and would provide “seed money” for the PA. The Middle East Peace Facilitation Act
(MEPFA) (P.L. 103-236, April 30, 1994, Title X) granted the President authority to suspend
provisions of laws affecting the PLO in the national interest and if the PLO is abiding by
commitments made in letters to Israel and Norway and under the DOP. The State
Department reported that the PLO honored its commitments, with shortcomings, and asserted
that suspensions were in the U.S. national interest, enabling U.S. support for the peace
process and interaction with all parties. MEPFA was extended with additional requirements,
until August 12, 1997, then it was included in annual foreign operations appropriations
legislation. P.L. 107-115, January 10, 2002, the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act for
2002, prohibits the provision of funds to the PA unless the President certifies that it is
important to U.S. national security interests. On February 7, 2002, President Bush said that
he had budgeted $300 million for non-governmental organizations to improve the conditions
of Palestinians who are not involved in terror. On May 9, as part of an unfinished draft of
the FY2002 supplemental appropriation (unnumbered), the House Appropriations Committee
voted to provide $200 million in aid to Israel to combat terrorism and $50 million in
humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, not to the PA.
Jerusalem. Jerusalem is a subject for final status negotiations. Israel annexed the city
in 1967 to be its eternal, undivided capital. Palestinians seek East Jerusalem as their capital.
U.S. Administrations have maintained that it is up to the parties to determine its fate.
H.Con.Res. 60, June 10, 1997, and S.Con.Res. 21, May 20, 1997, called on the
Administration to affirm that Jerusalem must remain the undivided capital of Israel.
Congress prohibits official U.S. government business with the PA in Jerusalem and the use
of appropriated funds to create U.S. government offices in Israel to conduct business with
the PA. (See, P.L. 107-115, January 10, 2002.)
A related issue is the relocation of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.
Proponents argue that Israel is the only country where a U.S. embassy is not in the capital,
that Israel’s claim to West Jerusalem, proposed site of an embassy, is unquestioned, and that
Palestinians must be disabused of their hope for a capital in Jerusalem. Opponents say a
move would undermine the peace process, U.S. credibility in the Islamic world and with
Palestinians, and prejudge final status. P.L. 104-45, November 8, 1995, provided for the
relocation of the embassy by May 31, 1999, but granted the President authority, in national
security interest, to suspend limitations on State Department expenditures that would be
imposed if the embassy did not open. President Clinton used the authority three times;
President Bush twice. (See CRS Report RS20339, Jerusalem: The U.S. Embassy and P.L.
104-45.) H.Con.Res 30, introduced on February 13, 2001, urges the President to begin the
relocation process, as does H.R. 1646, passed in the House on May 16.
Compliance/Sanctions. S.Con.Res. 88 and H.Con.Res. 280, both passed on
December 5, 2001, demand that the PA act against terrorists and urge the President to
suspend relations with Arafat and the PA if it does not. P.L. 107-115, January 10, 2002, left
it to the President to assess PLO/PA compliance with its 1993 commitments and, if there has
not been compliance, to impose sanctions for 6 months. H.R. 3624, introduced on January
24, 2002, would prohibit direct or indirect assistance to the PA or any instrumentality of the
PA. H.R. 3743, introduced on February 13, would impose restrictions on PLO diplomats in

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the United States. In a March 14 letter, 130 House Members urged President Bush to label
Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Tanzim, and Force 17 “foreign terrorist organizations” (FTO).
The Administration soon designated Al-Aqsa an FTO. S. 2194, introduced on April 18,
would hold the PLO and PA accountable, by denying visas to Arafat and Palestinian
officials, downgrading PLO representation in the United States, imposing travel restrictions
on the PLO U.N. representative, and seizing PLO assets. Secretary Powell reportedly
convinced Senators to postpone consideration of the S. 2194. H.Res. 392 and S.Res. 247,
passed on May 2, express strong solidarity with Israel.

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