Order Code RL30806
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Cuba: Issues for Congress
Updated December 11, 2001
Mark P. Sullivan
Specialist in Latin American Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Maureen Taft-Morales
Analyst in Latin American Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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Cuba: Issues for Congress
Summary
Cuba remains a hard-line Communist state, with a poor record on human rights.
Fidel Castro has ruled since he led the Cuban Revolution, ousting the corrupt
government of Fulgencio Batista from power in 1959. With the cutoff of assistance
from the former Soviet Union, Cuba experienced severe economic deterioration from
1989-1993. There has been some improvement since 1994 as Cuba has implemented
limited reforms.
Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted largely of isolating
the island nation through comprehensive economic sanctions. The Clinton and Bush
Administrations have essentially continued this policy. The principal tool of policy
remains comprehensive sanctions, which were made stronger with the Cuban
Democracy Act (CDA) in 1992 and the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act
in 1996, often referred to as the Helms/Burton legislation. Another component of
U.S. policy consists of support measures for the Cuban people, including private
humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to
Cuba. In May 2001, President Bush stated that his Administration would oppose any
efforts to weaken sanctions against Cuba, and in July 2001, he asked the Treasury
Department to enhance and expand its embargo enforcement capabilities.
There appears to be broad agreement among those concerned with Cuba on the
overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba — to help bring democracy and respect
for human rights to the island. But there have been several schools of thought on how
to achieve that objective. Some advocate a policy of keeping maximum pressure on
the Cuban government until reforms are enacted, while continuing current U.S. efforts
to support the Cuban people. Others argue for an approach, sometimes referred to as
constructive engagement, that would lift some U.S. sanctions that they believe are
hurting the Cuban people, and move toward engaging Cuba in dialogue. Still others
call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations by lifting the U.S. embargo.
Policy debate in the past several years has focused on whether to maintain U.S.
restrictions on food and medical exports as well as on travel to Cuba.
Legislative initiatives introduced in the 107th Congress reflect these divergent
views on the direction of U.S. policy toward Cuba and also cover a range of issues
including human rights, food and medical exports, travel restrictions, drug interdiction
cooperation, and broadcasting to Cuba. On July 25, 2001, in action on the Treasury
Department Appropriations for FY2002 (H.R. 2590), the House approved an
amendment that would prohibit the Treasury Department from using funds to enforce
restrictions on travel to Cuba. Ultimately, the Cuba travel provision was not included
in the conference report to the bill. The Senate version of the “Farm Bill,” S. 1731
(Harkin), would strike language from U.S. law that prohibits private financing of
agricultural sales to Cuba.

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Contents
Most Recent Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Economic Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Political Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
U.S. Policy Toward Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Issues in U.S.-Cuban Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Overall Direction of U.S. Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Helms/Burton Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Section 211 Trademark Provision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Food and Medical Exports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Travel Restrictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Drug Interdiction Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Cuba and Terrorism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Radio and TV Marti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Russian Intelligence Facility in Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Compensation for February 1996 Shootdown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Legislation in the 106th Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Foreign Operations Appropriations Bill for FY2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Compensation for the February 1996 Shootdown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Modifications of Sanctions on Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Resolutions Regarding Cuba’s Human Rights Situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Funding For Radio and TV Marti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Legislative Initiatives in the 107th Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Human Rights Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Modifying Sanctions Against Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Immigration Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Drug Interdiction Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Broadcasting to Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
For Additional Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

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Cuba: Issues for Congress
This report examines the economic and political situation in Cuba, including the
human rights situation, and U.S. policy toward Cuba. The report also analyzes a
number of issues facing Congress in U.S. policy toward Cuba, including: the overall
direction of U.S. policy; challenges to U.S. policy in the World Trade Organization;
restrictions on commercial food and medical exports; restrictions on travel; bilateral
drug trafficking cooperation; Cuba and terrorism; funding for U.S.-government
sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba; the Russian signals intelligence
facility in Cuba; migration issues; and compensation to the families of those
Americans killed in 1996 when Cuba shot down two U.S. civilian planes. The report
cites legislation that was passed in the 106th Congress, and also tracks legislative
action on these various issues in U.S. policy toward Cuba in the 107th Congress.
Most Recent Developments
On December 10, 2001, the Senate began consideration of S. 1731 (Harkin),
the 2002 “Farm Bill”, which includes a provision striking restrictions in U.S. law
(Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000, P.L. 106-387, Title
IX) on private financing of agricultural sales to Cuba. The Bush Administration
strongly opposes the provision (see“Food and Medical Exports” below).
On November 4, 2001, Hurricane Michelle caused considerable damage to
Cuba, with some 45,000 homes damaged and the sugar and citrus sectors severely
affected. The U.S. government offered humanitarian assistance to Cuba, but Cuba
declined, saying that instead it wanted to purchase food and medical supplies from
the United States. Cuba is now negotiating with U.S. companies for a reported $30
million in food and medical products. Cuba dropped its demand to use Cuban ships
to pick up the supplies and will pay cash for the goods. This would be the first time
that Cuba has bought food supplies directly from the United States since the
approval of such sales in legislation approved in October 2000.
On October 17, 2001, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that the
Russian military would close the signals intelligence facility at Lourdes, Cuba. The
announcement was met with approval from President Bush, while Cuba strongly
criticized Russia’s move, saying that it had not agreed to the Russian pullout (see
“Russian Intelligence Facility in Cuba” below).
On September 21, 2001, FBI agents arrested a senior Defense Intelligence
Agency analyst on charges of spying for the Cuban government. Seven Cuban spies
have been convicted in U.S. courts this year, and last year an Immigration and
Naturalization Service official from Florida was convicted of spying for Cuba.

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In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon, Cuba offered support to the United States, but Fidel Castro also urged
U.S. policymakers to be calm and stated that the attacks were in part a consequence
of the United States having applied “terrorist methods” for years (see “Cuba and
Terrorism” below).
Economic Conditions
With the cutoff of assistance from the former Soviet Union, Cuba experienced
severe economic deterioration from 1989-1993, although there has been some
improvement since 1994. Estimates of economic decline in the 1989-93 period range
from 35-50%. The economy reportedly grew 0.7% in 1994, 2.5% in 1995, and 7.8%
in 1996. While the Cuban government originally was predicting a growth rate of 4-5%
for 1997, growth for the year was just 2.5%, largely because of disappointing sugar
production. For 1998, the government’s goal was for a growth rate of 2.5-3.5%, but
another poor sugar harvest, a severe drought in eastern Cuba, and the effects of
Hurricane Georges resulted in an estimated growth rate of just 1.2%. In 1999, the
economy grew 6.2%, and in 2000, it grew 5.6%.
Economic growth forecasts for 2001 and 2002 were 3.8% and 5% respectively,
but those forecasts most likely will be reduced in the aftermath of the effects of
Hurricane Michelle and the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States.1 The
terrorist attacks severely affected Cuba’s tourist industry, with reports of some hotels
closing and restaurants empty. Hurricane Michelle damaged some 45,000 homes and
severely hurt the sugar and citrus sectors.2
Socialist Cuba has prided itself on the nation’s accomplishments in health and
education. For example, according to the World Bank, the literacy rate is 94% and
life expectancy is 76 years, compared to 79% and 68 years average for other
middle-income developing countries. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)
reports that Cuba’s infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) was just 7.9 in 1996,
the lowest rate in Latin America and among the world’s top 20 countries for this
indicator. Nevertheless, the country’s economic decline has reduced living standards
considerably and resulted in shortages in medicines and medical supplies.
When Cuba’s economic slide began in 1989, the government showed little
willingness to adopt any significant market-oriented economic reforms, but in 1993,
faced with unprecedented economic decline, Cuba began to change policy direction.
Since 1993, Cubans have been allowed to own and use U.S. dollars and to shop at
dollar-only shops previously limited to tourists and diplomats. Self-employment was
authorized in more than 100 occupations in 1993, most in the service sector, and by
1996 that figure had grown to more than 150 occupations. Other Cuban economic
1 “Cuba Economy: Hurricane Worsens Growth Slowdown,” Economist Intelligence Unit, EIU
Viewswire, November 12, 2001.
2 Marie Sanz, “Hurricane Michelle Delivers Fresh Blow to Ailing Cuban Economy,” Agence
France Presse, November 9, 2001.

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reforms included breaking up large state farms into smaller, more autonomous,
agricultural cooperatives (Basic Units of Cooperative Production, UBPCs) in 1993;
opening agricultural markets in September 1994 where farmers could sell part of their
produce on the open market; opening artisan markets in October 1994 for the sale of
handicrafts; allowing private food catering, including home restaurants (paladares)
in June 1995 (in effect legalizing activities that were already taking place); approving
a new foreign investment law in September 1995 that allows fully owned investments
by foreigners in all sectors of the economy with the exception of defense, health, and
education; and authorizing the establishment of free trade zones with tariff reductions
typical of such zones in June 1996. In May 1997, the government enacted legislation
to reform the banking system and established a new Central Bank (BCC) to operate
as an autonomous and independent entity.
Despite these measures, the quality of life for many Cubans remains difficult,
characterized by low wages, high prices for many basic goods, shortages of
medicines, and power outages. Moreover, some analysts fear that the government has
begun to backtrack on its reform efforts. Regulations and new taxes have made it
extremely difficult for many of the nation’s self-employed (at one point estimated at
more than 200,000, but now estimated at 160,000 or lower, out of a total labor force
of some 4.5 million). Some home restaurants have been forced to close because of
the regulations. Some foreign investors in Cuba have also begun to complain that the
government has backed out of deals or forced them out of business.3
Political Conditions
Although Cuba has undertaken some limited economic reforms, politically the
country remains a hard-line Communist state. Fidel Castro, who turned 75 on
August 13, 2001, has ruled since the 1959 Cuban Revolution, which ousted the
corrupt government of Fulgencio Batista from power. Castro soon laid the
foundations for an authoritarian regime by consolidating power and forcing moderates
out of the government. In April 1961, Castro admitted that the Cuban Revolution
was socialist, and in December 1961, he proclaimed himself to be a Marxist-Leninist.
From 1959 until 1976, Castro ruled by decree.
A constitution was enacted in 1976 setting forth the Communist Party as the
leading force in the state and in society (with power centered in a Politburo headed
by Fidel Castro). The constitution also outlined national, provincial, and local
governmental structures. Executive power is vested in a Council of Ministers, headed
by Fidel Castro as President. Legislative authority is vested in a National Assembly
of People’s Power, currently with 601 members, that meets twice annually for brief
periods. While Assembly members were directly elected for the first time in February
1993, only a single slate of candidates was offered. Elections for the National
Assembly were held for a second time in January 1998. Voters again were not offered
a choice of candidates. From October 8-10, 1997, the Cuban Communist Party held
its 5th Congress (the prior one was held in 1991) in which the party reaffirmed its
3“Crackdowns, Restrictions, Sour Investors in Cuba,” Miami Herald, June 10, 1999, p. 1A.

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commitment to a single party state and reelected Fidel and Raul Castro as the party’s
first and second secretaries.
Pope John Paul II visited Cuba from January 21-25, 1998, and conducted a
series of open-air masses across the country that were televised in Cuba. Numerous
Catholic groups from the United States traveled to Cuba for the Pope’s visit as did
thousands of journalists from around the world. While much of his visit was spent on
pastoral issues, such as encouraging Cubans to come back to the Church, the Pope
also made more political statements. He criticized the U.S. embargo as “unjust and
ethically unacceptable,” but also criticized the Cuban government for denying freedom
to the Cuban people. He asked the government to release “prisoners of conscience,”
and Vatican officials gave Cuba a list of more than 200 prisoners. On February 12,
1998, the Vatican announced that Cuba had freed dozens of detainees, noting that this
step represented a prospect of hope for the future.
There was much speculation about what effect the Pope’s trip to Cuba might
have on the political situation. The trip did not spark unrest from those opposed to
the regime, nor did the government take any actions to loosen the tight political
control of the state and party. Over the longer-term, however, the Pope’s visit could
result in elevating the profile of the Catholic Church in such a way that it emerges as
an important actor in Cuba’s civil society. An enhanced profile could improve its
chances to influence the policies and actions of the government.
Human Rights
Cuba has a poor record on human rights, with the government sharply restricting
basic rights, including freedom of expression, association, assembly, movement, and
other basic rights. It has cracked down on dissent, arrested human rights activists and
independent journalists, and staged demonstrations against critics. Although some
anticipated a relaxation of the government’s oppressive tactics in the aftermath of the
Pope’s January 1998 visit, government attacks against human rights activists and
other dissidents have continued since that time.
Estimates of the number of political prisoners in Cuba vary considerably since
the Cuban government does not allow human rights organizations to monitor prisons.
According to the State Department’s human rights report covering 1999, human
rights groups inside Cuba estimate the number of political prisoners at between 350
and 400. The overall number of political prisoners probably increased slightly in 1999,
compared to 1998, when Cuba released almost 100 prisoners, many of whom were
on a list given to Castro by Vatican officials during the Pope’s visit.

According to the State Department, the Cuban government’s human rights
record “remained poor” in 2000, as “[I]t continued to violate systematically the
fundamental civil and political rights of its citizens.” According to the State
Department’s human rights report covering 2000: “The authorities routinely
continued to harass, threaten, arbitrarily arrest, detain, imprison, and defame human
rights advocates and members of independent professional associations, including
journalists, economists, doctors, and lawyers, often with the goal of coercing them
into leaving the country.”

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In early March 2000, the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National
Reconciliation noted that political repression increased considerably from November
1999, when Cuba hosted the Ibero-American summit, through February 2000.
In May 2000, Cuba released three prominent dissidents from prison. On May 23,
Cuba released Rene Gomez Manzano, while Marta Beatriz Roque was set free on
May 15 and Felix Bonne on May 12. All three were leaders of the “Dissident
Working Group” and had been imprisoned since July 1997. All three have vowed to
continue their peaceful opposition to the Cuban government. One remaining leader
of the group, Vladimiro Roca, remains in prison. The four leaders were convicted by
a Cuban court on March 15, 1999, on charges of “sedition” under the Cuban penal
code after a one-day trial on March 1. Sentences ranged from 3 ½ years for Roque
to 4 years for Bonne and Gomez Manzano and 5 years for Roca. Just before the
dissidents’ trial, scores of human rights advocates, independent journalists, and other
activists were detained so that they could not cover or protest the trial. The four
dissidents had released a document in June 1997 entitled, “The Homeland Belongs to
Us All” [http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jul97/homdoc.htm] that strongly
criticized a draft report of the 5th Congress of the Cuban Communist Party that was
going to be held that October. The dissidents also urged Cubans not to vote in
legislative elections and encouraged foreign investors not to invest in Cuba.
UNCHR Resolutions. From 1991 until 1997, the U.N. Commission on
Human Rights (UNCHR) called on the Cuban government to cooperate with a
Special Representative (later upgraded to Special Rapporteur) designated by the
Secretary General to investigate the human rights situation in Cuba. But Cuba
refused to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur, and the UNCHR annually approved
resolutions condemning Cuba’s human rights record. In 1998, however, the UNCHR
rejected — by a vote of 16 to 19, with 18 abstentions — the annual resolution
sponsored by the United States that would have condemned Cuba’s rights record and
would have extended the work of the Special Rapporteur for another year. U.S.
officials and human rights activists expressed deep disappointment with the vote.
Observers maintained that the vote did not signify any improvement in human rights
in Cuba, but rather was an expression of disagreement with the United States over its
policy toward Cuba
For three years now, the UNCHR has again approved resolutions criticizing
Cuba for its human rights record, although without appointing a Special Rapporteur.
In 1999, the UNCHR resolution was approved by a vote of 21-20, with 12
abstentions. In 2000, the resolution, sponsored by the Czech Republic and Poland,
was approved by a vote of 21-18, with 14 abstentions. On April 18, 2001, the
resolution, sponsored by the Czech Republic and co-sponsored by 16 other nations,
including the United States, was approved by a vote of 22-20, with 10 abstentions.
A U.S. Congressional delegation traveled to Geneva to encourage adoption of the
resolution. Mexico abstained but, in a shift under the new Fox administration,
publicly stated its concern about human rights in Cuba.
Outlook
Observers are divided over whether the Castro government will endure. While
some believe that the demise of the government is imminent, there is considerable

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disagreement over when or how this may occur. Varying scenarios range from a coup
or popular uprising, possibly with support from or acceptance by the Cuban military,
to the voluntary resignation and self-exile of Castro. Some point to Castro’s age and
predict that the regime will collapse without Fidel at the helm. Other observers
maintain that reports of the impending collapse of the Cuban government have been
exaggerated and that Castro may remain in power for years. They point to Cuba’s
strong security apparatus and the extraordinary system of controls that prevents
dissidents from gaining popular support. Moreover, observers maintain that Cuba’s
elite has no interest in Castro’s overthrow, and that Castro still enjoys some support,
in part because of the social benefits of the Cuban revolution, but also because Cubans
see no alternative to Castro. Even if Castro is overthrown or resigns, the important
question remaining is the possibility or viability of a stable democratic Cuba after
Castro. Analysts point out that the Castro government has successfully impeded the
development of independent civil society, with no private sector, no independent labor
movement, and no unified political opposition. For this reason, they contend that
building a democratic Cuba will be a formidable task, one that could meet stiff
resistance from many Cubans.
U.S. Policy Toward Cuba
In the early 1960s, U.S.-Cuban relations deteriorated sharply when Fidel Castro
began to build a repressive communist dictatorship and moved his country toward
close relations with the Soviet Union. The often tense and hostile nature of the U.S.-
Cuban relationship is illustrated by such events and actions as: U.S. covert operations
to overthrow the Castro government culminating in the ill-fated April 1961 Bay of
Pigs invasion; the October 1962 missile crisis in which the United States confronted
the Soviet Union over its attempt to place offensive nuclear missiles in Cuba; Cuban
support for guerrilla insurgencies and military support for revolutionary governments
in Africa and the Western Hemisphere; the 1980 exodus of around 125,000 Cubans
to the United States in the so-called Mariel boatlift; the 1994 exodus of more than
30,000 Cubans who were interdicted and housed at U.S. facilities in Guantanamo and
Panama; and the February 1996 shootdown by Cuban fighter jets of two U.S. civilian
planes, resulting in the death of four U.S. crew members.4
Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted largely of isolating
the island nation through comprehensive economic sanctions. The Clinton
Administration has essentially continued this policy of isolating Cuba. The principal
tool of U.S. policy remains comprehensive sanctions, which were made stronger with
the Cuban Democracy Act (CDA) of 1992 and with the Cuban Liberty and
Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-114), often referred to as the
Helms/Burton legislation. The CDA prohibits U.S. subsidiaries from engaging in
trade with Cuba and prohibits entry into the United States for any vessel to load or
unload freight if it has engaged in trade with Cuba within the last 180 days. The
Helms/Burton legislation — enacted in the aftermath of Cuba’s shooting down of two
U.S. civilian planes in February 1996 — combines a variety of measures to increase
4For more on the background of U.S.-Cuban relations from CRS see CRS Report RL30386,
Cuba-U.S. Relations: Chronology of Key Events Since 1959.

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pressure on Cuba and provides for a plan to assist Cuba once it begins the transition
to democracy. Among the law’s sanctions is a provision in Title III that holds any
person or government that traffics in U.S. property confiscated by the Cuban
government liable for monetary damages in U.S. federal court. Acting under
provisions of the law, President Clinton suspended the implementation of Title III at
6-month intervals.
Another component of U.S. policy under the Clinton Administration consisted
of support measures for the Cuban people, a so-called second track of U.S. policy.
This includes U.S. private humanitarian donations, U.S. government support for
democracy-building efforts for Cuba, and U.S.- sponsored radio and television
broadcasting to Cuba, Radio and TV Marti. According to the Administration, the
two-track policy of isolating Cuba, but reaching out to the Cuban people, met both
U.S. strategic and humanitarian interests.
In the aftermath of the Pope’s January 1998 visit to Cuba, the Clinton
Administration made several changes to U.S. policy intended to augment U.S. support
for the Cuban people. In March 1998, President Clinton announced: 1) the resumption
of licensing for direct humanitarian charter flights to Cuba (which had been curtailed
after the February 1996 shootdown of two U.S. civilian planes); 2) the resumption of
cash remittances up to $300 per quarter for the support of close relatives in Cuba
(which had been curtailed in August 1994 in response to the migration crisis with
Cuba); 3) the development of licensing procedures to streamline and expedite licenses
for the commercial sale of medicines and medical supplies and equipment to Cuba;
and 4) a decision to work on a bipartisan basis with Congress on the transfer of food
to the Cuban people. The President stated that his actions would “build further on the
impact of the Pope’s visit to Cuba,” “support the role of the Church and other
elements of civil society in Cuba,” and “help prepare the Cuban people for a
democratic transition.”
In January 1999, President Clinton announced five additional measures to
support the Cuban people: 1) a broadening cash remittances to Cuba, so that all U.S.
residents (not just those with close relatives in Cuba) are allowed to send $300 per
quarter to any Cuban family and licensing larger remittances by U.S. citizens and non-
governmental organizations to entities independent of the Cuban government; 2) an
expansion of direct passenger charter flights to Cuba from additional U.S. cities other
than the current flights from Miami, and to cities other than Havana (direct flights
later in the year began from Los Angeles and New York); 3) the re-establishment of
direct mail service to Cuba, which was suspended in 1962 (this measure has not yet
been negotiated with the Cuban government); 4) authorization for the commercial sale
of food to independent entities in Cuba such as religious groups and private
restaurants and the sale of agricultural inputs to independent entities such as private
farmers and farmer cooperatives producing food for sale in private markets and 5) an
expansion of people-to-people contact through two-way exchanges among academics,
athletes, and scientists.
On May 18, 2001, President Bush made his first clear statement on his
Administration’s policy toward Cuba. He stated that his Administration “will oppose
any attempt to weaken sanctions against Cuba’s government ... until this regime frees
its political prisoners, holds democratic, free elections, and allows for free speech.”

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He also said that he would “actively support those working to bring about democratic
change in Cuba” and would therefore support legislation such as the Cuban Solidarity
and the Cuban Internal Opposition Assistance Acts. He also advocated expanded
access to the Internet for average Cubans and “strengthen[ing] the voices” of Radio
and TV Marti.”5
While President Bush has announced stronger measures to enforce the embargo,
he also has continued in the same vein as the Clinton Administration by suspending
implementation of Title III of the Helms-Burton legislation. On July 13, 2001,
President Bush asked the Treasury Department to enhance and expand the
enforcement capabilities of the Office of Foreign Assets Control. The President noted
the importance of upholding and enforcing the law in order to prevent “unlicensed and
excessive travel,” enforce limits on remittances, and ensure that humanitarian and
cultural exchanges actually reach pro-democracy activists in Cuba. Just three days
later, on July 16, 2001, President Bush decided to continue to suspend for a 6-month
period the Title III provisions of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act
(P.L. 104-114) that allows U.S. nationals to sue for money damages in U.S. federal
court those persons who traffic in property confiscated in Cuba. He cited efforts by
European countries and other U.S. allies to push for democratic change in Cuba.
Issues in U.S.-Cuban Relations
Overall Direction of U.S. Policy
Over the years, although U.S. policymakers have agreed on the overall objective
of U.S. policy toward Cuba — to help bring democracy and respect for human rights
to the island — there have been several schools of thought about how to achieve that
objective. Some advocate a policy of keeping maximum pressure on the Cuban
government until reforms are enacted, while continuing current U.S. efforts to
support the Cuban people. Others argue for an approach, sometimes referred to as
constructive engagement, that would lift some U.S. sanctions that they believe are
hurting the Cuban people, and move toward engaging Cuba in dialogue. Still others
call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations by lifting the U.S. embargo.
In general, those advocating a loosening of the sanctions-based policy toward
Cuba make several policy arguments. They assert that if the United States moderated
its policy toward Cuba – through increased travel, trade and diplomatic dialogue, that
the seeds of reform would be planted in Cuba, which would stimulate and strengthen
forces for peaceful change on the island. They stress the importance to the United
States of avoiding violent change in Cuba, with the prospect of a mass exodus to the
United States and the potential of involving the United States in a civil war scenario.
They argue that since Castro’s demise does not appear imminent, the United States
should espouse a more realistic approach in trying to induce change in Cuba.
Supporters of changing policy also point to broad international support for lifting the
U.S. embargo, to the missed opportunities to U.S. businesses because of the embargo,
5The White House, “Remarks by the President in Recognition of Cuba Independence Day”,
May 18, 2001. See [http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/05/20010518-7.html].

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and to the increased suffering of the Cuban people because of the embargo.
Proponents of change also argue that the United States should adhere to some
consistency in its policies with the world’s few remaining Communist governments,
and also maintain that moderating policy will help advance human rights in Cuba.
On the other side, opponents of changing U.S. policy maintain that the current
two-track policy of isolating Cuba, but reaching out to the Cuban people through
measures of support, is the best means for realizing political change in Cuba. They
point out that the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 sets forth a
road map for what steps Cuban needs to take in order for the United States to
normalize relations, including lifting the embargo. They argue that softening U.S.
policy at this time without concrete Cuban reforms would boost the Castro regime
politically and economically, enabling the survival of the Communist regime.
Opponents of softening U.S. policy argue that the United States should stay the
course in its commitment to democracy and human rights in Cuba; that sustained
sanctions can work; and that the sanctions against Cuba have only come to full impact
with the loss of large subsidies from the former Soviet bloc. Opponents of loosening
U.S. sanctions further argue that Cuba’s failed economic policies, not the U.S.
embargo, are the causes of the economy’s rapid decline.
Numerous measures were introduced in the 106th Congress that reflected the
range of views on U.S. policy toward Cuba. Legislative initiatives proposed both
easing and increasing sanctions against Cuba. In the end, legislation passed reflected
both approaches: it allowed the export of food and medicine to Cuba, but prohibited
any U.S. financing, both public and private, of such exports. Another law facilitated
enforcement of anti-terrorism judgments in U.S. courts to allow for the payment of
a judgment against Cuba to be paid from Cuba’s frozen assets in the United States to
the families of three U.S. citizens killed when Cuba shot down two U.S. planes in
1996.
Legislative initiatives introduced in the 107th Congress continue to reflect
divergent views on the direction of U.S. policy toward Cuba (whether sanctions
should be eased or intensified) and also cover a range of issues including human
rights, immigration, drug interdiction cooperation, and broadcasting to Cuba. (For a
full listing, see “Legislative Initiatives in the 107th Congress” below.)
Several bills would strengthen sanctions on Cuba: H.R. 160 (Ros-Lehtinen),
would prohibit rescheduling or forgiving any outstanding bilateral debt owed to the
United States by Russia until the President certifies that Russia has ceased all its
operations, removed all personnel from, and permanently closed the intelligence
facility at Lourdes, Cuba (see section below on “Russian Intelligence Facility in
Cuba,” which discusses Russia’s October 2001 decision to close the facility) ; H.R.
2292 (Rothman), would amend the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of
1996 to require, as a condition for the determination that a democratically elected
government in Cuba exists, that the government extradite to the United States
convicted felon Joanne Chesimard and all other U.S. fugitives from justice; and S. 137
(Gramm), a bill authorizing the negotiation of free trade agreements with the
countries of the Americas, would not apply to Cuba unless the President certifies that
freedom has been restored in Cuba and that the claims of U.S. citizens for
compensation for expropriated property have been appropriately addressed. In

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addition, some Members opposed to easing sanctions have proposed legislation, H.R.
1271 (Diaz-Balart) and S. 894 (Helms), providing increased support to the
democratic opposition within Cuba.
On the other side of the policy debate, numerous measures have been introduced
to ease U.S. sanctions policy toward Cuba. During July 25, 2001 floor action on
H.R. 2590, the FY2002 Treasury Department appropriations bill, the House debated
two amendments that would ease U.S. sanctions on Cuba, approving one (H. Amdt.
241) that would prohibit spending for administering Treasury Department regulations
restricting travel to Cuba and rejecting the second (H. Amdt. 242) that would prohibit
Treasury Department funds from administering the overall U.S. embargo on Cuba.
Ultimately, the Cuba travel provision was not included in the conference report to the
bill (see “Travel Restrictions” below.) In addition to H.R. 2590, several broad
initiatives would lift all sanctions on trade, financial transactions, and travel to Cuba:
H.R. 174 (Serrano), identical bills S. 400 (Baucus) and H.R. 798 (Rangel), and H.R.
2662 (Paul), a bill that would also prohibit any federal funds to provide assistance to
Cuba. Finally, numerous legislative initiatives focus on easing restrictions on food and
medical exports to Cuba, including the Senate version of the 2002 “Farm Bill,” S.
1731 (Harkin), that would strike language from the Trade Sanctions Reform and
Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387, Title IX) that prohibits private
financing of agricultural sales to Cuba (for details, see “Food and Medical Exports”
below).
Helms/Burton Legislation
Major Provisions. The Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act (P.L.
104-114) was enacted into law on March 12, 1996. Title I, Section 102(h), codifies
all existing Cuban embargo Executive Orders and regulations. No presidential waiver
is provided for any of these codified embargo provisions. This provision is significant
because of the long-lasting effect on U.S. policy options toward Cuba. In effect, the
Clinton Administration and subsequent administrations will be circumscribed in any
changes in U.S. policy toward Cuba.
Title III allows U.S. nationals to sue for money damages in U.S. federal court
those persons that traffic in property confiscated in Cuba. It extends the right to sue
to Cuban Americans who became U.S. citizens after their properties were confiscated.
The President has authority to delay implementation for 6 months at a time if he
determines that such a delay would be in the national interest and would expedite a
transition to democracy in Cuba.
Title IV of the law denies admission to the United States to aliens involved in
the confiscation of U.S. property in Cuba or in the trafficking of confiscated U.S.
property in Cuba. This includes corporate officers, principals, or shareholders with
a controlling interest of an entity involved in the confiscation of U.S. property or
trafficking of U.S. property. It also includes the spouse, minor child, or agent of
aliens who would be excludable under the provision. This provision is mandatory,
and only waiveable on a case-by-case basis for travel to the United States for
humanitarian medical reasons or for individuals to defend themselves in legal actions
regarding confiscated property.

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Implementation of Title III and IV. With regard to Title III, beginning in
July 1996 then-President Clinton suspended — for 6-month periods, as provided for
under the act — the right of individuals to file suit against those persons benefitting
from confiscated U.S. property in Cuba. At the time of the first suspension on July
16, 1996, the President announced that he would allow Title III to go into effect, and
as a result liability for trafficking under the title became effective on November 1,
1996. According to the Clinton Administration, this put foreign companies in Cuba
on notice that they face prospects of future lawsuits and significant liability in the
United States. At the second suspension on January 3, 1997, President Clinton stated
that he would continue to suspend the right to file law suits “as long as America’s
friends and allies continued their stepped-up efforts to promote a transition to
democracy in Cuba.” He continued, at 6-month intervals, to suspend the rights to file
Title III lawsuits.
On July 16, 2001, President Bush made the decision to continue to suspend the
Title III provisions and cited efforts by European countries and other U.S. allies to
push for democratic change in Cuba.
With regard to Title IV of the legislation, to date the State Department has
banned from the United States a number of executives and their families from three
companies because of their investment in confiscated U.S. property in Cuba: Grupos
Domos, a Mexican telecommunications company; Sherritt International, a Canadian
mining company; and BM Group, an Israeli-owned citrus company. In 1997, Grupos
Domos disinvested from U.S.-claimed property in Cuba, and as a result its executives
are again eligible to enter the United States. Action against executives of STET, an
Italian telecommunications company was averted by a July 1997 agreement in which
the company agreed to pay the U.S.-based ITT Corporation $25 million for the use
of ITT-claimed property in Cuba for ten years. In the 105th Congress, the FY1999
omnibus appropriations measure (P.L. 105-277, H.R. 4328) included a provision that
requires the Administration to report on the implementation of Title IV of the
Helms/Burton legislation. The State Department is investigating a Spanish hotel
company, Sol Melia, for allegedly investing in property that was confiscated from
U.S. citizens in Cuba’s Holguin province in 1961.
Foreign Reaction and the EU’s WTO Challenge. Many U.S. allies —
including Canada, Japan, Mexico, and European Union (EU) nations — strongly
criticized the enactment of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act. They
maintain that the law’s provisions allowing foreign persons to be sued in U.S. court
constitute an extraterritorial application of U.S. law that is contrary to international
principles. U.S. officials maintain that the United States, which reserves the right to
protect its security interests, is well within its obligations under NAFTA and the
World Trade Organization (WTO).
Until mid-April 1997, the EU had been pursuing its case at the WTO, in which
it was challenging the Helms/Burton legislation as an extraterritorial application of
U.S. law. The beginning of a settlement on the issue occurred on April 11, 1997,
when an EU-U.S. understanding was reached. In the understanding, both sides
agreed to continue efforts to promote democracy in Cuba and to work together to
develop an agreement on agreed disciplines and principles for the strengthening of
investment protection relating to the confiscation of property by Cuba and other

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governments. As part of the understanding, the EU agreed that it would suspend its
WTO dispute settlement case. Subsequently in mid-April 1998, the EU agreed to let
its WTO challenge expire.
Talks between the United States and the EU on investment disciplines proved
difficult, with the EU wanting to cover only future investments and the United States
wanting to cover past expropriations, especially in Cuba. Nevertheless, after months
of negotiations, the EU and the United States reached a second understanding on May
18, 1998. The understanding set forth EU disciplines regarding investment in
expropriated properties worldwide, in exchange for the Clinton Administration’s
success at obtaining a waiver from Congress for the legislation’s Title IV visa
restrictions. Future investment in expropriated property would be barred. For past
illegal expropriations, government support or assistance for transactions related to
those expropriated properties would be denied. A Registry of Claims would also be
established to warn investors and government agencies providing investment support
that a property has a record of claims. These investment disciplines were to be
applied at the same time that President Clinton’s new Title IV waiver authority was
exercised.

Reaction was mixed among Members of Congress to the EU-U.S. accord, but
opposition to the agreement by several senior Members has forestalled any
amendment of Title IV in Congress. In a letter to then-Secretary of State Albright,
Representative Gilman and Senator Helms criticized the understanding for not
covering companies already invested in expropriated property. Among other
criticisms, they argued that the understanding only proposes a weak sanction (denying
government support) that may not deter companies that are willing to invest in Cuba.6
On the other side, however, some Members support the EU-U.S. understanding.
They maintain that the understanding is important because it increases protection for
the property of Americans worldwide and discourages investment in illegally
confiscated property in Cuba.
The Bush Administration initially indicated that the Administration was looking
into the possibilities of legislation to enact a presidential waiver for the provision, but
during the June 2001 U.S.-EU summit, President Bush noted the difficulty of
persuading Congress to amend the law.7 The Clinton Administration had lauded the
1998 EU-U.S. understanding on investment disciplines and attempted at the time, but
without success, to win congressional support for a waiver of Title IV so that the
investment disciplines could be implemented.
Section 211 Trademark Provision
Another EU challenge of U.S. law regarding Cuba in the WTO involves a
dispute between the French spirits company, Pernod Ricard, and the Bermuda-based
Bacardi Ltd. Pernod Ricard entered into a joint venture with the Cuban government
to produce and export Havana Club rum, but Bacardi maintains that it holds the right
6“Text: Helms, Gilman Letter on Helms-Burton,” Inside U.S. Trade. June 17, 1998.
7“EU, U.S. Take Sharply Different Tacks on Dispute Resolution,” Inside U.S. Trade, June
22, 2001.

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to the Havana Club name. A provision in the FY1999 omnibus appropriations
measure (Section 211 of Division A, title II, P.L. 105-277, signed into law October
21, 1998) prevents the United States from accepting payment for trademark licenses
that were used in connection with a business or assets in Cuba that were confiscated
unless the original owner of the trademark has consented. The provision prohibits
U.S. courts from recognizing such trademarks without the consent of the original
owner. Although Pernod Ricard cannot market Havana Club in the United States
because of the trade embargo, it wants to protect its future distribution rights when
the embargo is lifted.
After Bacardi began selling rum in the United States under the Havana Club
label, Pernod Ricard’s joint venture unsuccessfully challenged Bacardi in U.S. federal
court. In February 2000, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New
York upheld a lower court’s ruling that the joint venture had no legal right to use the
Havana Club name in the United States. After formal U.S.-EU consultations on the
issue were held in 1999 without resolution, the EU initiated a WTO dispute settlement
panel on the issue in June 2000, maintaining that the U.S. law violates the Agreement
on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS).
An August 6, 2001 ruling by the WTO panel has been described as mixed, with
both sides claiming a partial victory. The panel ruled that international rules on
intellectual property rights did not cover trademarks but also ruled that a portion of
the law (Section 211(a)(2)) prohibiting U.S. courts from recognizing such Cuban
trademarks is in violation of the TRIPS because it denies access to U.S. courts by
trademark holders. In early October 2001, the EU formally notified the WTO that it
was appealing the ruling; a ruling of the WTO’s Appellate Body is expected early in
2002.8
Food and Medical Exports
Under U.S. sanctions, commercial medical and food exports to Cuba are allowed
but with numerous restrictions and licensing requirements. The 106th Congress
passed the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-
387, Title IX) that allows for one-year export licenses for shipping food and medicine
to Cuba, although no U.S. government assistance, foreign assistance, export
assistance, credits, or credit guarantees are available to finance such exports. The
law, furthermore, denies exporters access to U.S. private commercial financing or
credit; all transactions must be conducted in cash in advance or with financing from
third countries. The law reiterates the existing ban on importing goods from Cuba but
authorizes travel to Cuba, under a specific license, to conduct business related to the
newly allowed food and medicine sales. Regulations implementing the new provisions
were published in the Federal Register on July 12, 2001.
Some in the business community argued that the changes in policy did not
amount to much because they still do not allow financing for the sales. Nevertheless,
U.S. agribusiness companies have continued to explore the Cuban market for
8 “EU Files Appeal Against WTO Ruling in ‘Havana Club’ Expropriation Case,”
International Trade Reporter, October 18, 2001, p. 1652.

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potential future sales. The Cuban government told a group of U.S. farmers who
traveled there in November 2000, after passage of the new law, that although it was
interested in U.S. agricultural exports, it refuses to buy any under the financing
restrictions imposed by that new law.
On November 4, 2001, Hurricane Michelle caused considerable damage to Cuba
and brought about a change in Cuba’s policy of not buying agricultural products from
the United States because of disagreement with financing restrictions. In the aftermath
of the hurricane, the U.S. government offered humanitarian assistance to Cuba, but
Cuba declined, saying that instead it wanted to purchase food and medical supplies
from the United States. Cuba is now negotiating with U.S. companies for a reported
$3 million in food and medical products. Cuba dropped its demand to use Cuban
ships to pick up the supplies and will pay cash for the goods. This would be the first
time that Cuba has bought food supplies directly from the United States since the
approval of such sales in legislation in the 106th Congress.
Opponents of further easing restrictions on food and medical exports to Cuba
maintain that U.S. policy does not deny such sales to Cuba. Moreover, according to
the State Department, since the Cuban Democracy Act was enacted in 1992, the
United States has licensed more than $4.3 billion in private humanitarian donations.
Opponents of easing U.S. sanctions further argue that easing pressure on the Cuban
government would in effect be lending support and extending the duration of the
Castro regime. They maintain that the United States should remain steadfast in its
opposition to any easing of pressure on Cuba that could prolong the Castro regime
and its repressive policies.
Supporters of easing restrictions on food and medical exports to Cuba argue that
the restrictions harm the health and nutrition of the Cuban population. They argue
that although the U.S. government may have licensed more than $4.3 billion in
humanitarian donations to Cuba since 1992, in fact much smaller amounts have
actually been sent to Cuba. Some supporters of easing sanctions believe the embargo
plays into Castro’s hands by allowing him to use U.S. policy as a scapegoat for his
failed economic policies and as a rationale for political repression. U.S. agribusiness
companies that support the removal of trade restrictions on agricultural exports to
Cuba believe that U.S. farmers are missing out on a market of some $700 million so
close to the United States.
Legislative Initiatives in the 106th Congress.9 One of the most significant
actions in the first session of the 106th Congress occurred during Senate consideration
of the FY2000 Agriculture Appropriations bill, S. 1233, in August 1999. A modified
amendment by Senator Ashcroft was approved requiring congressional approval
before the imposition of any unilateral agricultural or medical sanction against a
foreign country. Under the modified amendment, however, agricultural and medical
exports to state sponsors of international terrorism — which include Cuba — would
be allowed pursuant to one year licenses issued by the U.S. government, and without
any federal financing or export assistance. The provision was ultimately dropped
9For more detail, see CRS Report RL30628, Cuba: Issues and Legislation In the 106th
Congress, by Mark P. Sullivan and Maureen Taft-Morales.

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CRS-15
during the conference process, leading several Senators to express strong disapproval
of the manner in which the issue was decided.
In the second session of the 106th Congress, there were initiatives using three
legislative vehicles – the foreign aid authorization bill (S. 2382), the FY2001 Treasury
Department appropriations bill (H.R. 4871), and the FY2001 agriculture
appropriations bill (H.R. 4461) – to lift restrictions on food and medical exports to
Cuba. Only the initiative introduced in the agriculture appropriations bill became law,
and then in a very different form than it had been passed in both Houses.
The FY2001 foreign aid authorization bill, the Technical Assistance, Trade
Promotion, and Anti-Corruption Act, would have lifted restrictions on food and
medicine exports and allowed licensed exports of these goods to countries classified
as state sponsors of international terrorism, which includes Cuba. Agricultural and
medical exports to these countries would have been allowed pursuant to one-year
licenses issued by the U.S. government. The bill remained in committee at the end of
the 106th Congress.
During House consideration of the FY2001 Treasury Department appropriations
bill, the House approved (301-116) a Moran (KS) amendment that would prohibit
any funds in the bill from being used to implement any U.S. sanction on private
commercial sales of agricultural commodities or medicine or medical supplies to
Cuba. Although passage of the amendment marked a significant departure from the
longstanding sanctions-oriented policy toward Cuba, its language was eliminated from
a subsequent version of the FY2001 Treasury Department appropriations bill.
Both the House and Senate versions of the FY2001 agriculture appropriations
bill (H.R. 4461 and S. 2536) as reported out of their respective committees included
a provision similar to that in the foreign aid authorization bill that effectively would
have allowed U.S. food and medical exports to Cuba. Continued opposition by the
House GOP leadership and some Members to the sanctions-loosening effort led to a
compromise agreement hammered out among the House GOP leadership, the House
sponsors of the provision, and Members who opposed the initiative.
Under the compromise, U.S. food and medical exports to Cuba would be
allowed pursuant to one-year licenses, but no U.S. government or U.S. private
financing could be provided for the transactions. Critics charged that the restrictions
were so great that sales would be practically impossible. In the final version of the
FY2001 Agriculture appropriations bill signed into law on October 28, 2000 (P.L.
106-387, Title IX), the sale of agricultural and medical products to Cuba is allowed,
but any U.S. financing – public or private – is prohibited.
Legislative Initiatives in the 107th Congress. Numerous initiatives focus
in whole or in part on easing restrictions on food and medical exports to Cuba.
Several focus on lifting private financing restrictions for agricultural sales set forth in
the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387,
Title IX, Section 910). The Senate version of the 2002 “Farm Bill,” S. 1731
(Harkin), introduced November 27, 2001, would lift such financing restrictions. The
Bush Administration strongly opposes lifting the financing restrictions because of
“Cuba’s denial of basic civil rights to its citizens as well as its egregious rejection of

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the global coalition’s efforts against terrorism.”10 The Senate report to the bill
(S.Rept. 107-117) notes that lifting the private financing restrictions would permit
U.S. exporters to gain access to a potential market of about $400 million annually but
would not commit U.S. government funds. In addition to the Farm Bill, S. 171
(Dorgan), introduced January 24, 2001, S. 239 (Hagel), introduced February 1, 2001,
and H.R. 173 (Serrano), introduced January 3, 2001, would also lift the restrictions
on private financing of agricultural sales to Cuba.
S. 1017 (Dodd) and H.R. 2138 (Serrano), the Bridges to the Cuban People Act
of 2001, introduced June 12, 2001, would, among other provisions, ease restrictions
on food and medical exports to Cuba and allow for the importation of certain Cuban
medicines. Identical bills S. 402 (Baucus) and H.R. 797 (Rangel), the Cuban
Humanitarian Trade Act of 2001, introduced February 27 and 28, 2001, respectively,
would make an exception to the embargo for the export of agricultural commodities,
medicines, medical supplies, medical instruments, and medical equipment.
Finally, several broad bills would lift all sanctions on trade, financial transactions,
and travel to Cuba: H.R. 174 (Serrano), the Cuban Reconciliation Act, introduced
January 3, 2001; identical bills S. 400 (Baucus) and H.R. 798 (Rangel), the Free
Trade with Cuba Act, introduced February 27 and 28, 2001, respectively; and H.R.
2662 (Paul), a bill that would also prohibit any federal funds to provide assistance to
Cuba.
For additional information, see CRS Issue Brief IB10061, Exempting Food and
Agriculture Products from U.S. Economic Sanctions: Status and Implementation.
Travel Restrictions11
Restrictions on travel to Cuba have been a key component in U.S. efforts to
isolate the communist government of Fidel Castro for much of the past 40 years. Over
time there have been numerous changes to the restrictions and for 5 years, from 1977
until 1982, there were no restrictions on travel.
Major arguments made for lifting the Cuba travel ban are: it hinders efforts to
influence conditions in Cuba and may be aiding Castro by helping restrict the flow of
information; it abridges the rights of ordinary Americans; and Americans can travel
to other countries with communist or authoritarian governments. Major arguments
in opposition to lifting the Cuba travel ban are: American tourist travel would support
Castro’s rule by providing his government with millions of dollars in tourist receipts;
there are legal provisions allowing travel to Cuba for humanitarian purposes that are
used by thousands of Americans each year; and the President should be free to restrict
travel for foreign policy reasons.
10 White House, Office of Management and Budget. “Statement of Administration Policy on
S. 1731 – Agriculture, Conservation, and Rural Enhancement Act of 2001,” December 5,
2001.
11 For more details, see CRS Report RL31139, Cuba: U.S. Restrictions on Travel and
Legislative Initiatives in the 107th Congress, and CRS Report RS21003, Travel Restrictions:
U.S. Government Limits on American Citizens’ Travel Abroad.

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Legislative Action in the 106th Congress. During the 106th Congress,
several legislative initiatives were proposed to end the restrictions, but none passed.
Instead, the only action completed by the 106th Congress involved a tightening of
travel restrictions to Cuba. The final version of the FY2001 agriculture
appropriations measure included a provision that appears to restrict certain categories
of non-tourist travel to Cuba currently allowed by the Treasury Department (P.L.
106-387, Title IX). Section 910 of the law allows for specific licenses to be issued
on a case-by-case bases for travel to, from, or within Cuba for the commercial export
sale of agricultural commodities, but the section also provides that neither general nor
specific licenses for travel to Cuba can be provided for activities that do not fit into
the twelve categories spelled out in the Cuban Assets Control Regulations, Section
515.560 (a) of Title 31, CFR. The intention of the provision is to prevent the
Administration from loosening the travel restrictions to allow tourist travel. This, in
effect, strengthens restrictions on travel to Cuba and somewhat circumscribes the
authority of OFAC to issue specific travel licenses on a case-by-case basis under
Section 515.560 (b) of Title 31, CFR. OFAC in the past has utilized that section to
provide specific licenses for activities that do not fit neatly within the categories of
travel set forth in 515.560 (a), including such travel for medical evacuations of
Americans legally in Cuba and for U.S. contractors servicing the needs of the U.S.
Interests Section.
In other legislative action in the 106th Congress, the Senate considered the issue
of travel to Cuba in June 30, 1999 floor action on the FY2000 Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill, S. 1234. An amendment was introduced by Senator Christopher
Dodd that would have terminated regulations or prohibitions on travel to Cuba and
on transactions related to such travel in most instances.12 The Senate defeated the
amendment by tabling it in a 55-43 vote on June 30, 1999. On November 10, 1999,
Senator Dodd introduced identical language as S. 1919, the Freedom to Travel to
Cuba Act of 2000, but no action was taken on the bill.
The House took up the issue of travel to Cuba when it considered H.R. 4871,
the Treasury Department appropriations bill, on July 20, 2000. A Sanford amendment
was approved (232-186) to prohibit funds in the bill from being used to administer or
enforce the Cuban Assets Control Regulations with respect to any travel or travel-
related transaction. Subsequently, the language of the amendment was dropped from
a new version of the FY2001 Treasury Department appropriations bill, H.R. 4985,
introduced on July 26. H.R. 4985 was appended to the conference report on the
Legislative Branch appropriations bill – H.R. 4516, H.Rept. 106-796 – in an attempt
to bypass Senate debate on its version of the Treasury appropriations bill, S. 2900.
The Senate initially rejected this conference report on September 20, 2000, by a vote
of 28-69, but later agreed to the report, 58-37, on October 12. The House had
agreed to the conference report earlier, on September 14, 2000, by a vote of 212 -
209.
12The Dodd amendment allowed for travel restrictions to be imposed if the United States is at
war with Cuba, if armed hostilities are in progress, or when threats to physical safety or
public health exist. Under current law, the Secretary of State has the same authority to
restrict travel (22 USC 211a).

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Legislative Actions and Initiatives in the 107th Congress. During July
25, 2001, floor action on H.R. 2590, the House approved an amendment that would
prohibit spending for administering Treasury Department regulations restricting travel
to Cuba. H.Amdt. 241, offered by Representative Flake (which amended H.Amdt.
240 offered by Representative Smith) would prohibit funding to administer the Cuban
Assets Control Regulations (CACR) with respect to any travel or travel-related
transaction. The CACR are administered by the Treasury Department’s Office of
Foreign Assets Control. The Flake amendment was approved by a vote of 240 to
186, compared to a vote of 232-186 for a similar amendment in last year’s Treasury
Department appropriations bill.
The Senate version of H.R. 2590, as approved September 19, 2001, did not
include any provision regarding U.S. restrictions on travel to Cuba. In floor debate,
Senator Dorgan noted that he had intended to offer an amendment on the issue, but
that he decided not to because he did not want to slow passage of the bill. He also
indicated his support for the House provision when it came up in conference, but
ultimately Congress did not include the provision in the conference report to the bill
(H.Rept. 107-253).
Several other initiatives introduced would ease U.S. restrictions on travel to
Cuba. As noted above, several broad bills would lift all sanctions on trade, financial
transactions, and travel to Cuba: H.R. 174 (Serrano), the Cuban Reconciliation Act,
introduced January 3, 2001, and identical bills S. 400 (Baucus) and H.R. 798
(Rangel), the Free Trade with Cuba Act, introduced February 27 and 28, 2001,
respectively. S. 1017 (Dodd) and H.R. 2138 (Serrano), the Bridges to the Cuban
People Act of 2001, introduced June 12, 2001, would, among other provisions, ease
restrictions on travel by U.S. nationals or lawful permanent resident aliens to Cuba.
Identical bills S. 402 (Baucus) and H.R. 797 (Rangel), the Cuban Humanitarian Trade
Act of 2001, introduced February 27 and 28, 2001, respectively, would, among other
provisions, repeal the travel restrictions imposed in the 106th Congress by the Trade
Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387, Title IX,
Section 910). S. 171 (Dorgan), introduced January 24, 2001, would repeal travel
and export finance restrictions in the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export
Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387, Title IX, Section 910). S. 239 (Hagel), the
Cuba Food and Medicine Access Act of 2001, introduced February 1, 2001, would,
among other provisions, repeal the travel restrictions in the Trade Sanctions Reform
and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387, Title IX, Section 910).
Drug Interdiction Cooperation
Because of Cuba’s geographic location, its waters and airspace are used by drug
traffickers to transport cocaine and marijuana for ultimate destination to the United
States. Cuban officials have expressed concerns over the use of their waters and
airspace for drug transit as well as increased domestic drug use by way of the growing
tourist sector. Cuba has made a number of law enforcement efforts to deal with the
drug problem, including legislation to stiffen penalties for traffickers and cooperation
with a number of countries on anti-drug efforts. The United States cooperates with
Cuba on anti-drug efforts on a case-by-case basis, and there are undergoing efforts
to make bilateral cooperation more systematic.

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In 1999, U.S. and Cuban officials met in Havana to discuss ways of improving
anti-drug cooperation. According to the State Department, Cuba accepted an
upgrading of the current telex link between the Cuban Border Guard and the U.S.
Coast Guard as well as the stationing of a U.S. Coast Guard officer at the U.S.
Interests Section in Havana. Barry McCaffrey, then-Director of the Office of National
Drug Control Policy, stated that Cuba had demonstrated a willingness to help the
United States in anti-narcotics efforts but has been ineffective because of a lack of
resources. Some Members have called for closer U.S.-Cuban cooperation on anti-
drug measures, while some, strongly opposing such efforts, have called on Cuba to
be added to the State Department’s list of major-drug producing or transit countries.
They believe that the Cuban government is involved in the drug trade, although the
State Department asserts that the United States has no credible evidence of recent
high-level official drug-related corruption in Cuba. H.R. 3427, the Foreign Relations
Authorization Act for FY2000 and FY2001, enacted into law by reference in P.L.
106-113 on November 29, 1999, required a report within 120 days on the extent of
international drug trafficking through Cuba since 1990.
In November 1999, the former Clinton Administration decided not to add Cuba
to the annual list of major drug transit countries. According to the Department of
State, “Cuba was not placed on the list of major drug transit countries because there
is no clear evidence that cocaine or heroin are transiting Cuba on the way to the
United States in quantities that significantly affect the United States” (Daily Press
Briefing, November 10, 1999). Some Members of Congress strongly objected to
Cuba not being included on the list. A hearing on the issue was held November 17,
1999, before the House Government Reform Committee’s Subcommittee on Criminal
Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources.
In the 107th Congress, the Senate version of the FY2002 Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill, H.R. 2506, has a provision (Section 580) that would make
available $1.5 million for preliminary work for the Department of State and other
agencies “to establish cooperation with appropriate agencies of the Cuba Government
on counter-narcotics matters.” The money is conditioned on a presidential
certification that 1) Cuba has in place appropriate procedures to protect against loss
of innocent life in the air and on the ground in connection with drug interdiction and
that 2) there is no evidence of the involvement of the government of Cuba in drug
trafficking.
In addition to the foreign operations measure, a bill has been introduced (H.R.
1124) to authorize the Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy to
negotiate with Cuban government officials for increased cooperation between the two
countries on drug interdiction efforts. A measure of similar intent was approved by
the Senate in the 106th Congress as an amendment to the FY2001 foreign aid
appropriations bill (S. 2522). The final bill omitted that language, however, which
would have provided up to $1 million to fund the Secretary of Defense to work with
Cuba to provide for greater cooperation, coordination, and other assistance in the
interdiction of illicit drugs.

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CRS-20
Cuba and Terrorism
Cuba was added to the State Department’s list of states sponsoring international
terrorism in 1982 for its complicity with the M-19 insurgent group in Colombia.
Communist Cuba has had a history of supporting revolutionary movements and
governments in Latin America and Africa, but in 1992 Fidel Castro said that his
country’s support for insurgents abroad was a thing of the past. Cuba’s change in
policy was in large part because of the breakup of the Soviet Union, which resulted
in the loss of billions in annual subsidies to Cuba, and led to substantial Cuban
economic decline. Cuba remains on the State Department’s terrorism list today
because it provides safehaven to several Basque ETA terrorists from Spain as well as
U.S. fugitives from justice, according to the State Department’s April 2001 Patterns
of Global Terrorism report. Moreover, the report asserts that Cuba maintains ties to
other state sponsors of terrorism and to two Colombian insurgent groups, the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army
(ELN), both of which maintain a permanent presence in Cuba.
Reportedly, there are a number of fugitives from justice in Cuba, including
Joanne Chesimard, who was convicted for the killing of a New Jersey state trooper
in 1973. In the 107th Congress, legislation has been introduced, H.R. 2292, to amend
the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-114) to require,
as a condition for the determination that a democratically elected government in Cuba
exists, that the government extradite to the United States convicted felon Joanne
Chesimard and all other U.S. fugitives from justice.
During July 25, 2001 consideration of H.R. 2590, the FY2002 Treasury
Department appropriations bill, Representative Smith offered an amendment, H.
Amdt. 240, that would have prohibited funds in the bill from being used to enforce
restrictions on travel to Cuba once the President certified to Congress that the Cuban
government has released all political prisoners and has returned to the United States
all persons residing in Cuba who are wanted in the United States for crimes of air
piracy, narcotics trafficking, or murder. Before it was approved, however, the
amendment was amended by H.Amdt. 241 offered by Representative Flake, which
eliminated the presidential certification regarding political prisoners and U.S. fugitives
in Cuba.
Although Cuba offered support to the United States in the aftermath of the
World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks, Fidel Castro also urged U.S. policymakers
to be calm and stated that the attacks were in part a consequence of the United States
having applied “terrorist methods” for years.13 Cuba’s subsequent statements on the
attack have become increasingly hostile, according to recent press reports, which
quote Cuba’s mission to the United Nations as describing the U.S. response to the
U.S. attacks as “fascist and terrorist” and that the United States was using the attack
as an excuse to establish “unrestricted tyranny over all people on Earth.”14 Castro
13Andrew Cawthorne, “Cuba’s Castro Urges U.S. to Keep Calm,” Reuters, September 11,
2001.
14Kevin Sullivan, “Castro Warns About U.S. Military Plans,” Washington Post, September
(continued...)

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CRS-21
himself reportedly said that the U.S. government was run by “extremists” and
“hawks” whose response to the attack could result in an “infinite killing of innocent
people.”15
Radio and TV Marti
U.S.-government sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba (Radio
and TV Marti), begun in 1985 and 1990 respectively, have at times been the focus of
controversies, including adherence to broadcast standards. Over the years there have
been various attempts to cut funding for the programs, especially for TV Marti, which
has not had an audience because of Cuban jamming efforts. TV Marti offers its daily
broadcasts between the hours of 3:30 a.m. - 8:00 a.m., while Radio Marti broadcasts
24 hours a day. (For background on Cuba broadcasting through 1994, see CRS
Report 94-636 F, Radio and Television Broadcasting to Cuba: Background and
Issues Through 1994.)
Until October 1999, U.S.-government funded international broadcasting
programs had been a primary function of the United States Information Agency
(USIA). When USIA was abolished and its functions were merged into the
Department of State at the beginning of FY2000, the Broadcasting Board of
Governors became an independent agency that included such entities as the Voice of
America (VOA), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Radio Free Asia, and
the Office of Cuba Broadcasting (OCB), which manages Radio and TV Marti.
FY2001 Funding. For FY2001, the Clinton Administration requested $23.456
million for broadcasting to Cuba for both Radio and TV Marti. Of that amount,
$650,000 was for the purchase of a 100-kilowatt solid state transmitter to improve
the operation, reliability, and efficiency of Radio Marti broadcasts to Cuba.
H.R. 5548, a bill making appropriations for the Departments of Commerce,
Justice, and State; the Judiciary; and related agencies, was incorporated into the H.R.
4942 conference report (H.Rept. 106-1005). Signed into law December 21, 2000
(P.L. 106-553), it provided $22.095 million for radio and television broadcasting to
Cuba. A subsequent recission brought the estimated amount down to $22.046
million.
FY2002 Funding. For FY2002, the Bush Administration requested $24.872
million for Cuba broadcasting. H.R. 1646, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act
for FY2002 and FY2003, approved by the House May 16, 2001, would authorize $25
million for broadcasting to Cuba for each fiscal year. In addition, the bill authorizes
$750,000 for the enhancements of transmission facilities in Belize and the cost of
transmissions from that country. According to the report to the bill (H.Rept. 107-57),
such enhancements to the Belize facility “will help increase the capacity of the Office
of Cuba Broadcasting to evade the jamming by the Cuban regime.” The bill would
14(...continued)
23, 2001, p. A38.
15Ibid.

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CRS-22
also eliminate staff positions, including the staff director, from the Advisory Board for
Cuba Broadcasting, which had often been the source of political controversy.
Although the Senate version of the authorization measure, S. 1401, does not
authorize a specific amount for Cuba broadcasting, the report to bill (S.Rept. 107-60)
notes that the Office of Cuba Broadcasting is authorized at the Administration’s
requested level for FY2002.
With regard to appropriations, the final version of the FY2002 State Department
and Related Agencies Appropriation bill, H.R. 2500, fully funds the Administration’s
request and provides $24.872 million for broadcasting to Cuba for FY2002, $2.826
million more than the amount provided in FY2001. Both the House and Senate
versions of H.R. 2500 had fully funded the request. During Senate consideration of
the bill on September 10, Senator Dorgan filed an amendment, S. Amdt. 1542, that
would have eliminated funding for TV Marti, but in light of the September 11 attacks
in New York and Washington, Senator Dorgan withdrew the amendment on
September 13, 2001.
Russian Intelligence Facility in Cuba
Some Members of the 107th Congress again raised concerns about the Russian
signals intelligence facility at Lourdes, Cuba. The facility at Lourdes was built in the
aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. It allows Russia to monitor U.S.
communications, including military communications that Russians contend ensure
compliance with arms control agreements.
The Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act (P.L. 104-114) contains a
provision that would reduce U.S. assistance for Russia by an amount equal to the sum
of assistance and credits provided in support of intelligence facilities in Cuba.
However, the legislation also provides that such a restriction does not apply to most
categories of assistance. Moreover, the legislation also provides a presidential waiver
if such assistance is important to U.S. national security and if Russia has assured the
United States that it is not sharing intelligence collected at the Lourdes facility with
officials or agents of the Cuban government.
H.R. 160 (Ros-Lehtinen), introduced January 3, 2001, would prohibit the
rescheduling or forgiveness of any outstanding bilateral debt owed by the Russian
government to the United States until the President certifies to the Congress that the
Russian government has ceased all its operations and permanently closed the Lourdes
intelligence facility. In the 106th Congress, a similar bill (H.R. 4118) was approved
by the House (275-146), but stalled in the Senate, where the Senate version (S. 2748)
remained in committee at the end of the 106th Congress.
Those supporting the bill argue that the listening post, which reportedly has been
upgraded in recent years, permits the collection of U.S. military, diplomatic, and
commercial data and allows the invasion of Americans’ privacy. They argue the
compensation paid by Russia to Cuba, estimated at some $200 million annually, helps
prop up the Castro government financially. Those opposed to the bill argue that
facilities such as that at Lourdes help both Russia and the United States to have
confidence that international arms controls agreements are being respected. They
maintain that the bill attempts to undermine U.S. leadership on engagement with

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Russia and could threaten U.S. leadership in Paris Club negotiations for debt
rescheduling and forgiveness. The Clinton Administration had opposed the
legislation, maintaining that it could call into question U.S. signals intelligence
facilities that perform activities similar to the facility at Lourdes. (Also see CRS
Report RL30617, Russia’s Paris Club Debt and U.S. Interests)
On October 17, 2001, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that the
Russian military would close the Lourdes facility. The announcement was met with
approval from President Bush who said that both Russia and the United States “are
taking down relics of the Cold War and building a new, cooperative and transparent
relationship for the 21st century.”16 On the other hand, Cuba strongly criticized
Russia’s move, saying that it had not agreed to the Russian pullout. As indicated
above, Cuba reportedly receives about $200 million annually for the facility.
Migration17
In 1994 and 1995, Cuba and the United States reached two migration accords
designed to stem the mass exodus of Cubans attempting to reach the United States
by boat. On the minds of U.S. policymakers was the 1980 Mariel boatlift in which
125,000 Cubans fled to the United States. In response to Castro’s threat to unleash
another Mariel, U.S. officials reiterated U.S. resolve not to allow another exodus.
Amidst escalating numbers of fleeing Cubans, on August 19, 1994, President Clinton
abruptly changed U.S. migration policy, under which Cubans attempting to flee their
homeland were allowed into the United States, and announced that the U.S. Coast
Guard and Navy would take Cubans rescued at sea to the U.S. naval base at
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Despite the change in policy, Cubans continued fleeing in
large numbers.
As a result, in early September 1994, Cuba and the United States began talks
that culminated in a September 9, 1994 bilateral agreement to stem the flow of
Cubans fleeing to the United States by boat. In the agreement, the United States and
Cuba agreed to facilitate safe, legal, and orderly Cuban migration to the United States,
consistent with a 1984 migration agreement. The United States agreed to ensure that
total legal Cuban migration to the United States would be a minimum of 20,000 each
year, not including immediate relatives of U.S. citizens. In a change of policy, the
United States agreed to discontinue the practice of granting parole to all Cuban
migrants who reach the United States, while Cuba agreed to take measures to prevent
unsafe departures from Cuba.
In May 1995, the United States reached another accord with Cuba under which
the United States would parole the more than 30,000 Cubans housed at Guantanamo
into the United States, but would intercept future Cuban migrants attempting to enter
the United States by sea and would return them to Cuba. The two countries would
cooperate jointly in the effort. Both countries also pledged to ensure that no action
16 “Text: U.S. Welcomes Russia’s Decision to Close Facility in Cuba,” U.S. Department of
State, Washington File, October 17, 2001.
17 For background on U.S. migration policy toward Cuba, see CRS Report RS20468, Cuban
Migration Policy and Issues, by Ruth Ellen Wasem.

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CRS-24
would be taken against those migrants returned to Cuba as a consequence of their
attempt to immigrate illegally. On January 31, 1996, the Department of Defense
announced that the last of some 32,000 Cubans intercepted at sea and housed at
Guantanamo had left the U.S. Naval Base, most having been paroled into the United
States. Periodic U.S.-Cuban talks have been held on the implementation of the
migration accords.
Since the 1995 migration accord, the U.S. Coast Guard has interdicted
thousands of Cubans at sea and returned them to their country, while those deemed
at risk for persecution have been transferred to Guantanamo and then found asylum
in a third country. Those Cubans who reach shore are allowed to apply for permanent
resident status in one year.
Tensions in South Florida heightened after a June 29, 1999 incident — televised
live by local news helicopters — in which the U.S. Coast Guard used a water cannon
and pepper spray to prevent six Cubans from reaching Surfside beach in Florida. The
incident prompted outrage from the Cuban American community in Florida and
several Members of Congress. President Clinton characterized the incident as
“outrageous,” and stated that the treatment was not authorized (Associated Press,
July 1, 1999). Another incident occurred on July 9, 1999, when a boat being
interdicted by the Coast Guard capsized and resulted in the drowning of a Cuban
woman. The State Department expressed regret over the incident and noted that the
Department of Justice and the Immigration and Naturalization Service would
investigate whether this was a case of alien smuggling.
The Cuban government has taken forceful action against individuals engaging in
alien smuggling. Prison sentences of up to three years may be imposed against those
engaging in alien smuggling, and for incidents involving death or violence, a life
sentence may be imposed. Around 80 U.S. residents are being held by the Cuban
government for alien smuggling.
From late November 1999 through June 2000, national attention became focused
on Cuban migration policy as a result of the Elian Gonzalez case, the five-year old boy
found clinging to an inner tube off the coast of Fort Lauderdale. The boy’s mother
drowned in the incident, while his father who resided in Cuba, called for his return.
Although the boy’s relatives in Miami wanted him to stay in the United States, the
Immigration and Naturalization Service ruled that the boy’s father had the sole legal
authority to speak on his son’s behalf. After numerous legal appeals by the Miami
relatives were exhausted, the boy returned to Cuba with his father in June 2000. In
Cuba, Fidel Castro orchestrated numerous mass demonstrations and a media blitz on
the issue until the boy’s return. The case generated an outpouring of emotion among
the Cuban population as well as in south Florida.
Compensation for February 1996 Shootdown
On February 24, 1996, Cuban Mig-29 fighter jets shot down two Cessna 337s
in the Florida Straits, which resulted in the death of four members of the Cuban
American group Brothers to the Rescue. The group was known primarily for its
humanitarian missions of spotting Cubans fleeing their island nation on rafts but had
also become active in flying over Cuba and dropping leaflets.

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CRS-25
In 1996, President Clinton authorized $300,000 to each of the families of the
four victims, which was drawn from a pot of $148.3 million in Cuban assets frozen
in the United States. In addition, on December 17, 1997, a U.S. federal judge
awarded $187.6 million ($49.9 million in compensatory damages and $137.7 million
in punitive damages) to the families of three of the shootdown victims who sued under
a provision in the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-
132). (The fourth shootdown victim was not a U.S. citizen, and therefore not eligible
to sue under the Act.) However, Cuba refused to recognize the court’s jurisdiction.
A provision in the FY1999 omnibus appropriations measure (P.L. 105-277, H.R.
4328) could have affected the payment of the December 1997 judgment from Cuba’s
frozen assets in the United States. That provision stipulates that foreign states are not
immune from U.S. judgments for violations of international law. However, the
provision also includes a presidential waiver for national security interests, which the
President exercised October 21, 1998. The Clinton Administration opposed the
provision, maintaining that it would undermine the authority of the President to use
assets of countries under economic sanctions as leverage when sanctions are used to
modify the behavior of a foreign state. Supporters maintain that it would let those
nations who sponsor terrorism know that if they are found guilty in U.S. court, their
assets will be liquidated in order to serve justice.
Nevertheless, in light of further congressional action on the issue in October
2000, the Clinton Administration agreed to go forward with payments to relatives of
three of the shootdown victims. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection
Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-386, Sections 2002 and 2003) directed the Secretary of the
Treasury to pay compensatory damages for certain claims against Cuba (and Iran).
Subsequently, on January 19, 2001, the day before he left office, President Clinton
signed an order unfreezing Cuban funds in the United States to pay almost $97 million
to the relatives of the shootdown victims. The money came from long-distance
telephone fees that AT&T paid for access to Cuba’s telephone system from the mid-
1960s until 1994. While supporters of the relatives, the Cuban American community,
and many in Congress supported the President’s action, other U.S. citizens with
claims against Cuba maintain that the large judgment drained the pot of money that
might have been available for other claims.18
18 David Cazares, “Families of Fliers Get Award, $97 Million Compensation Draws
Criticism,” Sun Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale), February 1, 2001, p. 1B.

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Legislation in the 106th Congress
Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY2000
P.L. 106-113 (H.R. 3194)
Enacts by reference H.R. 3421, the Commerce, Justice and State appropriations
bill for FY2000, and H.R. 3427, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY2000
and FY2001, as introduced November 17, 1999. H.R. 3194 signed into law
November 29, 1999. H.R. 3421 appropriates $22.095 million for Cuba broadcasting
for FY2000. H.R. 3427 includes the following Cuba provisions: Section 108 (b) (3)
authorizes $6,000 for each of FY2000 and FY2001 for the investigation and
dissemination of information on violations of freedom of expression by Cuba; Section
121 authorizes $22.743 million for broadcasting to Cuba for each of FY2000 and
FY2001; Section 206 requires a report from the Secretary of State not later than 120
days after enactment of the Act on the extent of international drug trafficking through
Cuba since 1990.
Foreign Operations Appropriations Bill for FY2001
P.L. 106-429 (H.R. 4811)
On October 28, the conference report (H.Rept. 106-997) struck H.R. 4811 and
enacted by reference H.R. 5526. Section 507 prohibits direct funding of assistance
or reparations to Cuba (and other countries). Section 523 prohibits indirect assistance
or reparations to Cuba unless the President certifies that withholding such funds is
contrary to U.S. national interests.
Compensation for the February 1996 Shootdown
P.L. 106-386 (H.R. 3244)
Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000. Sections 2002 and
2003 direct the Secretary of the Treasury to pay compensatory damages for certain
claims against Cuba (and Iran). As provided for in the bill, President Clinton waived
such payments in the interest of national security when he signed the bill into law on
October 28, 2000. (On January 19, 2001, he signed an executive order unfreezing the
funds.)
Modifications of Sanctions on Cuba
P.L. 106-387 (H.R. 4461)
Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related
Agencies Appropriations Act, FY2001. Title IX of the bill, Trade Sanctions Reform
and Export Enhancement, terminates unilateral sanctions on food and medical exports
from economic sanctions imposed for foreign policy purposes. It allows one-year
licenses for exports of these goods to countries classified as state sponsors of
international terrorism, which includes Cuba, but without any U.S. financing (the
President may waive the prohibition of U.S. assistance for commercial exports to Iran,
Libya, North Korea, or Sudan for national security or humanitarian reasons but may
not do so for Cuba). Prohibits travel to Cuba for tourism, restricts non-tourist travel

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to Cuba to that expressly authorized in current federal regulations. Signed into law
October 28, 2000.
Resolutions Regarding Cuba’s Human Rights Situation
H.Res. 99 (Ros-Lehtinen)
Introduced March 9, 1999. House approved March 23, 1999, by voice vote.
Expresses the sense of the House regarding the human rights situation in Cuba,
including a condemnation of Cuba’s repressive crackdown against the internal
opposition and independent press; a call for the Administration to secure support for
a UNCHR resolution condemning Cuba for its human rights abuses and for the
reinstatement of a UNCHR Special Rapporteur on Cuba; and a call for the
Administration to nominate a special envoy to advocate internationally for the
establishment of the rule of law for the Cuban people.
S.Res. 57 (Graham)
Introduced March 4, 1999. Senate approved (98-0) March 25, 1999. Expresses
the sense of the Senate that the United States should make all efforts to pass a
UNCHR resolution criticizing Cuba’s human rights abuses and securing the
appointment of a Special Rapporteur.
Funding For Radio and TV Marti
P.L. 106-553 (H.R. 4942)
Appropriations for the District of Columbia government and for other purposes.
H.R. 5548, making appropriations for the Departments of Commerce, Justice, and
State; the Judiciary; and related agencies, was incorporated into the H.R. 4942
conference report (H.Rept. 106-1005). Signed into law December 21, 2000.
Provides $22.095 million for radio and television broadcasting to Cuba.
Legislative Initiatives in the 107th Congress
Human Rights Issues
H.Res. 91 (Smith, Christopher)
Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the human rights
situation in Cuba. Condemns the repressive and totalitarian actions of the Cuban
government against the Cuban people. Expresses the sense of the House of
Representatives that the President should (1) have an action-oriented policy of
directly assisting the Cuban people and independent organizations to strengthen the
forces of change and to improve human rights within Cuba; and (2) made all efforts
necessary at the meeting of the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva
in 2001 to obtain passage of a resolution condemning the Government of Cuba for its
human rights abuses and to secure the appointment of a Special Rapporteur for Cuba.
Introduced March 19, 2001. Passed/agreed to in House on April 3, 2001. Agreed
to by the Yeas and Nays: (2/3 required): 347 - 44, 22 present.

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H.Con.Res. 123 (Andrews)
Calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Cuba, including Dr.
Oscar Elias Biscet, and for other purposes. Introduced and referred to Committee on
International Relations May 3, 2001.
H.R. 1271 (Diaz-Balart)
To assist the internal opposition in Cuba, and to further help the Cuban people
to regain their freedom. Introduced and referred to International Relations
Committee March 28, 2001.
H.R. 1646 (Hyde)/S. 1401 (Biden)
Foreign Relations Authorization Act, FY2002 and FY2003. H.R. 1646
Introduced April 27, 2001; Committee on International Relations reported the bill
May 5, 2001 (H.Rept. 107-57). House passed (352-73) May 16, 2001. Section 101
would authorize $70,000 for each fiscal year for the establishment and operation of
a mobile library at the United States Interests Section in Cuba primarily for use by
dissidents and democracy activists. Section 107 would authorize $6, 000 for each
fiscal year for the Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression in the
Western Hemisphere of the Organization of American States for the investigation and
dissemination of information on violations of freedom of expression by the
Government of Cuba. S. 1401 introduced September 4, 2001, and reported by the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee (S.Rept. 107-60). The Senate bill does not have
similar human rights and democracy provisions on Cuba. (Also see legislative
initiatives on “Broadcasting to Cuba” below for additional provisions in these bills.)
H.R. 2506 (Kolbe)
Foreign Operations Appropriation, FY2002. Similar to past foreign operations
appropriations measures, the bill contains provisions (Section 507 and Section 523)
that prohibit direct and indirect assistance to Cuba. In addition, the House committee
report to the bill notes that the Appropriations Committee fully supports the
Administration’s budget request of at least $5 million aimed at promoting democracy
in Cuba. Introduced and reported by the Committee on Appropriations July 17, 2001
(H.Rept. 107-142). House passed (381-46) July 24, 2001. Senate Committee on
Appropriations reported its version September 4, 2001 (S.Rept. 107-58). Senate
passed (96-2) October 24, 2001. The Senate version has provisions (Section 507 and
Section 523) similar to the House version (and similar to past foreign operations
measures) that prohibit direct and indirect assistance to Cuba. (The Senate version
also has a provision for the funding of counter-narcotics cooperation with Cuba. See:
“Drug Interdiction Cooperation” below.) Conference held November 14, 2001; still
resolving differences.
S.Res. 62 (Lieberman)
A resolution expressing the sense of the Senate regarding the human rights
situation in Cuba. Introduced and referred to Foreign Relations Committee March
22, 2001.
S. 894 (Helms)
A bill to authorize increased support to the democratic opposition and other
oppressed people of Cuba to help them regain their freedom and prepare themselves
for a democratic future, and for other purposes. Referred to as the Cuban Solidarity,

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or Solidaridad, Act of 2001. Introduced and referred to Foreign Relations Committee
May 16, 2001.
Modifying Sanctions Against Cuba
H.R. 160 (Ros-Lehtinen)
To prohibit the rescheduling or forgiveness of any outstanding bilateral debt
owed to the United States by the Government of the Russian Federation until the
President certifies to the Congress that the Government of the Russian Federation has
ceased all its operations at, removed all personnel from, and permanently closed the
intelligence facility at Lourdes, Cuba. Introduced and referred to International
Relations Committee January 3, 2001.
H.R. 173 (Serrano)
To amend the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000
to allow for the financing of agricultural sales to Cuba. Introduced and referred to
Committees on Agriculture; Financial Services; and International Relations January
3, 2001; referred to House subcommittee March 2, 2001.
H.R. 174 (Serrano)
To lift the trade embargo on Cuba, and for other purposes. Introduced and
referred to Committees on Agriculture; Financial Services; International Relations;
Government Reform; Energy and Commerce; Judiciary; and Ways and Means January
3, 2001; referred to House subcommittee March 2, 2001.
H.R. 796 (Rangel)/S. 401 (Baucus)
To normalize trade relations with Cuba, and for other purposes. H.R. 796
introduced and referred to House Ways and Means Committee February 28, 2001.
S.401 introduced and referred to Finance Committee February 27, 2001.
H.R. 797 (Rangel)/S. 402 (Baucus)
To make an exception to the United States embargo on trade with Cuba for the
export of agricultural commodities, medicines, medical supplies, medical instruments,
or medical equipment, and for other purposes. H.R. 797 introduced and referred to
International Relations Committee and Ways and Means February 28, 2001; referred
to House subcommittee March 7, 2001. S.402 introduced and referred to Finance
Committee February 27, 2001.
H.R. 798 (Rangel)/S. 400 (Baucus)
To lift the trade embargo on Cuba, and for other purposes. H.R. 798 introduced
and referred to Committees on Agriculture; Financial Services; Government Reform;
Energy and Commerce; Judiciary; and Ways and Means February 28, 2001; referred
to House subcommittee March 14, 2001. S. 400 introduced and referred to Finance
Committee February 27, 2001.
H.R. 2138 (Serrano)
To provide the people of Cuba with access to food and medicine from the United
States, to ease restrictions on travel to Cuba, to provide scholarships for certain
Cuban nationals, and for other purposes. Referred to as the “Bridges to the Cuban
People Act of 2001.” Introduced and referred to Committees on Agriculture,

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Financial Services, International Relations, Judiciary, and Ways and Means June 12,
2001.
H.R. 2292 (Rothman)
The No Safe Harbor in Cuba Act. To amend the Cuban Liberty and Democratic
Solidarity Act of 1996 to require, as a condition for the determination that a
democratically elected government in Cuba exists, that the government extradite to
the United States convicted felon Joanne Chesimard and all other U.S. fugitives from
justice. Introduced June 21, 2001; referred to House Committee on International
Relations.
H.R. 2590 (Istook)/S. 1398 (Dorgan)
Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act, 2002. Introduced and
reported (H.Rept. 107-152) by the House Committee on Appropriations July 23,
2001. House approved (334-94), amended, July 25, 2001. As approved, Section 648
(Title VI) of the bill provides that none of the funds in the Act may be used to
administer or enforce the Cuban Assets Control Regulations (31 CFR, part 515) with
respect to any travel or travel-related transaction. This section was added by H.Amdt.
241 (Flake) that the House approved by a vote of 240-186. Another amendment,
H.Amdt. 242 (Rangel), that would have prohibited the use of Treasury Department
funds to implement or enforce the economic embargo of Cuba, failed by a vote of
201-227. Senate Committee on Appropriations reported its version of the bill, S.
1398, on September 4, 2001 (S.Rept. 107-57). On September 19, 2001, the Senate
approved its version of H.R. 2590, amended, which substituted the language of S.
1398. The Senate version did not have a provision regarding Cuba travel regulations.
Conference report (H.Rept. 107-253) filed October 26, 2001, that did not include the
Cuba travel provision. The House and Senate approved the conference on October
31, 2001, and November 1, 2001, respectively, and the bill was signed into law on
November 12, 2001, as P.L. 107-67.
H.R. 2662 (Paul)
A bill to lift the trade embargo on Cuba and to prohibit any Federal funds to
provide assistance to Cuba. Introduced July 26, 2001; referred to the Committee on
International Relations and in addition to the Committees on Ways and Means,
Energy and Commerce, the Judiciary, Financial Services, Government Reform, and
Agriculture.
S. 137 (Gramm)
A bill to authorize negotiation of free trade agreements with countries of the
Americas, and for other purposes. Section 4 outlines restrictions prior to restoration
of freedom in Cuba, standards for determining restored freedom in Cuba, and
establishes priority for negotiating free trade with Cuba once the President determines
that freedom has been restored in Cuba. Introduced and referred to Finance
Committee January 22, 2001.
S. 171 (Dorgan)
A bill to repeal certain travel provisions with respect to Cuba and certain trade
sanctions with respect to Cuba, Iran, Libya, North Korea, and Sudan, and for other
purposes. Introduced and referred to Foreign Relations Committee January 24, 2001.

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S. 239 (Hagel)
A bill to improve access to the Cuban market for American agricultural
producers, and for other purposes. Introduced and referred to Foreign Relations
Committee February 1, 2001.
S. 1017 (Dodd)
Referred to as the “Bridges to the Cuban People Act of 2001,” the bill would
provide the people of Cuba with access to food and medicines from the United States,
ease restrictions on travel to Cuba, provide scholarships for certain Cuban nationals,
and for other purposes. Introduced and referred to Foreign Relations Committee June
12, 2001.
S. 1731 (Harkin)
2002 Farm Bill. Introduced November 27, 2001. Senate Committee on
Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry reported the bill (S.Rept. 107-117) on December
7, 2001. Section 335 strikes restrictions on private financing of agricultural sales to
Cuba that were set forth in the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act
of 2000 (P.L. 106-387, Title IX). Senate consideration began December 10, 2001.
Immigration Issues
H.R. 26 (Serrano)
To waive certain prohibitions with respect to nationals of Cuba coming to the
United States to play organized professional baseball. Introduced and referred to
International Relations and Judiciary Committees January 3, 2001; referred to
subcommittee February 12, 2001.
H.R. 348 (Gutierrez)/H.R. 707 (Smith, Christopher)
To amend the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act to
provide to certain nationals of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Haiti an
opportunity to apply for adjustment of status under that Act, and for other purposes.
Would provide for the limited reopening of certain orders of deportation, exclusion,
or removal by certain Cuban or other nationals. H.R. 348 introduced and referred to
Judiciary Committee January 31, 2001; referred to House subcommittee February 16,
2001. H.R. 707 introduced and referred to Judiciary Committee February 14, 2001;
referred to House subcommittee March 2, 2001.
H.R. 823 (Condit)/S. 169 (Kyl)
To provide Federal reimbursement for indirect costs relating to the incarceration
of illegal criminal aliens and for emergency health services furnished to undocumented
aliens. The sections on Cuba in both bills are identical, and would provide that
reimbursement of States for incarcerating illegal aliens and certain Cuban nationals
would be allocated to give special consideration for any State that: (1) shares a border
with Mexico or Canada; or (2) in an area with a large number of undocumented
aliens. H.R.823 introduced and referred to Committees on Energy and Commerce;
and Judiciary March 1, 2001; referred to House subcommittee March 20, 2001. S.
169 introduced and referred to Judiciary Committee January 24, 2001.

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Drug Interdiction Cooperation
H.R. 1124 (Rangel)
To authorize the Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy to enter
into negotiations with representatives of the Government of Cuba to provide for
increased cooperation between Cuba and the United States on drug interdiction
efforts. Introduced and referred to International Relations Committee March 20,
2001.
H.R. 2506 (Kolbe)
Foreign Operations Appropriation, FY2002. Introduced and reported by the
House Committee on Appropriations July 17, 2001 (H.Rept. 107-142). House passed
(381-46) July 24, 2001. Senate Committee on Appropriations reported its version
September 2, 2001 (Senate Rpt 107-58). Senate passed (96-2) October 24, 2001. The
Senate version provides $1.5 million for the Department of State and other agencies
to establish cooperation with Cuba on counter-narcotics matters. (Also see legislative
initiatives on “Human Rights Issues” above for House report language on U.S.
support for U.S. funding of democracy and human rights funding regarding Cuba.)
Conference held November 14, 2001; still resolving differences.
Broadcasting to Cuba
H.R. 1270 (DeFazio)
To increase accountability for Government spending and to reduce wasteful
Government spending. Would repeal (1) the Television Broadcasting to Cuba Acts;
and (2) the United States International Broadcasting Act of 1994. Introduced and
referred to Committees on Armed Services; Financial Services; International
Relations; Energy and Commerce; Resources; Science; Veterans' Affairs; Ways and
Means; and Select Committee on Intelligence March 28, 2001; referred to
subcommittees April 24, 2001.
H.R. 1646 (Hyde)/S. 1401 (Biden)
Foreign Relations Authorization Act, FY2002 and FY2003. H.R. 1646
introduced April 27, 2001; Committee on International Relations reported the bill
May 5, 2001 (H.Rept. 107-57). House passed (352-73) May 16, 2001. Section 121
would authorize $25 million for broadcasting to Cuba for each fiscal year. The section
would also authorize $750,000 for enhancements to and costs of transmission from
the facilities in Belize, which according to the bill’s report, would increase the
capacity of the Office of Cuba Broadcasting to evade jamming by the Cuban
government. Section 501 would eliminate staff positions for the Advisory Board for
Cuba Broadcasting. (Also see legislative initiatives on “Human Rights Issues” above
for additional House provisions related to Cuba in this bill.) S. 1401 introduced
September 4, 2001, and reported by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (S.Rept.
107-60). While the Senate version does not authorize a specific amount for Cuba
broadcasting, the report to bill notes that the Office of Cuba Broadcasting is
authorized at the Administration’s requested level for FY2002.

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H.R. 2500 (Wolf)/S. 1215 (Hollings)
State Department and Related Agencies Appropriations, FY2002. Both versions
fully fund the Administration’s request of $24.872 million for broadcasting to Cuba
for FY2002. H.R. 2500 reported by the House Committee on Appropriations
(H.Rept. 107-139) July 13, 2001. House passed (408-19), amended, July 18, 2001.
S. 1215 reported by the Senate Committee on Appropriations July 20, 2001 (S.Rept.
107-42). On September 10, 2001, the Senate substituted the language of S. 1215 as
its version of H.R. 2500, and on September 13, 2001 the Senate passed (97-3) the
bill, amended. Conference report (H.Rept. 107-278) filed November 9, 2001. House
agreed to conference (411-15) on November 14, 2001, and the Senate approved it
(98-1) on November 15, 2001.
For Additional Reading
CRS Electronic Briefing Book on Trade, Cuba Sanctions,
[http://www.congress.gov/brbk/html/ebtra108.html]
CRS Electronic Briefing Book on Trade, Economic Sanctions and Agricultural
Exports, [http://www.congress.gov/brbk/html/ebtra13.html]
CRS Report RL31139, Cuba: U.S. Restrictions on Travel and Legislative Initiatives
In the 107th Congress, by Mark P. Sullivan.
CRS Report RL30837, Cuba: An Economic Primer, by Ian F. Fergusson.
CRS Report RS20450, The Case of Elian Gonzalez: Legal Basics, by Larry M. Eig.
CRS Report RL30386, Cuba-U.S. Relations: Chronology of Key Events 1959 -1999,
by Mark P. Sullivan.
CRS Report 94-759, Cuba-U.S. Relations: Should the United States Reexamine Its
Policy?, by Mark P. Sullivan.
CRS Report RS20468, Cuban Migration Policy and Issues, by Ruth Ellen Wasem.
CRS Report RL30384, Economic Sanctions: Legislation in the 106th Congress, by
Dianne E. Rennack.
CRS Report 97-949, Economic Sanctions to Achieve U.S. Foreign Policy Goals:
Discussion and Guide to Current Law, by Dianne E. Rennack and Robert D.
Shuey.
CRS Report RL30570, Elian Gonzalez: Chronology and Issues, by Ruth Ellen
Wasem.
CRS Issue Brief IB10061, Exempting Food and Agriculture Products from U.S.
Economic Sanctions: Status and Implementation, by Remy Jurenas.

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CRS Report RS20449, Private Bills for Citizenship or Permanent Residency: A Brief
Overview, by Margaret Mikyung Lee.
CRS Report 94-636, Radio and Television Broadcasting to Cuba: Background and
Issues Through 1994, by Susan B. Epstein and Mark P. Sullivan.
CRS Issue Brief IB93107, Normal-Trade-Relations (Most-Favored-Nation) Policy
of the United States, by Vladimir N. Pregelj.
CRS Report RS21003, Travel Restrictions: U.S. Government Limits on American
Citizens’ Travel Abroad, by Susan B. Epstein and Dianne E. Rennack

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