Order Code IB10084
CRS Issue Brief for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Trade Promotion Authority (Fast-Track Authority
for Trade Agreements): Background and Developments
in the 107th Congress
Updated November 16, 2001
Lenore Sek
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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CONTENTS
SUMMARY
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Early Presidential Authority to Cut Tariffs
Nontariff Barriers and Fast-Track Authority
Stalemate on Fast-Track Renewal
Developments During the 107th Congress
The President’s Legislative Agenda (May 10, 2001)
New Democrats Proposal (May 24, 2001)
H.R. 2149, the Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001
S. 1104, Trade Promotion Act of 2001
Fast-Track Proposal by Finance Committee Chairman Baucus
H.R. 3005, Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001
H.R. 3019, Comprehensive Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2001
Other Developments
LEGISLATION
CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS, REPORTS, AND DOCUMENTS
CHRONOLOGY
FOR ADDITIONAL READING
CRS Products

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Trade Promotion Authority (Fast-Track Authority for Trade
Agreements): Background and Developments in the 107th Congress
SUMMARY
One of the major trade issues in the 107th
On June 26, Senator Graham and Senator
Congress will be whether or not Congress
Murkowski introduced S. 1104, which in-
approves trade promotion authority (formerly
cludes worker rights and the environment
called fast-track authority) for the President to
among its principal objectives. It also includes
negotiate trade agreements with expedited
provisions to ensure that U.S. health, safety,
procedures for implementing legislation.
labor, environmental, or security laws or
Under this authority, Congress agrees to
standards would not be changed by a trade
consider legislation to implement the trade
agreement.
agreements (usually nontariff trade agree-
ments) under a procedure with mandatory
On July 25, Senate Finance Committee
deadlines, no amendment, and limited debate.
Chairman Baucus released his proposal for a
The President is required to consult with
fast-track bill. The proposal included negotia-
congressional committees during negotiation
ting objectives, directives in support of labor
and notify Congress before entering into an
rights and environmental protection, greater
agreement.
congressional oversight of negotiations, and a
toolbox approach to enforcement.
The President was granted this authority
almost continuously from 1974 to 1994, but
On October 3, Ways and Means Chair-
the authority lapsed and has not been renewed.
man Thomas introduced H.R. 3005. This bill
A major issue has been the role of labor and
was reported out of the House Ways and
the environment as objectives in trade agree-
Means Committee (H.Rept. 107-249, Part 1)
ments. Differences have been largely along
on October 16, 2001. On October 4, Repre-
party lines.
sentative Rangel, Ways and Means Ranking
Member, and Representative Levin, Ranking
On May 10, the President provided an
Member on the Ways and Means Subcommit-
outline of his 2001 legislative agenda for trade.
tee on Trade, released their own proposal,
Trade promotion authority was at the top of
H.R. 3019. That bill was rejected by the Ways
the agenda. On May 24, the House and Sen-
and Means Committee on October 9 by a 27-
ate New Democrats responded to the Presi-
12 vote. On October 11, Senator Baucus,
dent's trade agenda with their own set of
Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee,
principles and an enforcement "toolbox" of
gave a major speech outlining his position on
ways to increase compliance with agreements.
fast-track legislation. It is uncertain when the
Senate might act on any legislation.
On June 13, Representative Crane, Chair-
man of the House Ways and Means Subcom-
On November 16, House Majority Leader
mittee on Trade, introduced H.R. 2149, which
Armey announced that the House would vote
does not include labor or the environment
on TPA legislation (H.R. 3005) on December
among its principal objectives. However, the
6. No definite action in the Senate has been
bill would allow those topics to be part of a
announced.
trade agreement under specified conditions.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
On October 16, the House Ways and Means Committee reported out H.R. 3005
(H.Rept. 107-249, Part 1), the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001, which
Committee Chairman Thomas had introduced on October 3.
On October 11, Senate Finance Committee Chairman Baucus gave a speech outlining
his major points on fast-track (trade promotion authority) legislation.
On October 4, the Ranking Member on the Ways and Means Committee, Representative
Rangel, and the Ranking Member on the Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee,
Representative Levin, introduced H.R. 3019, the Comprehensive Trade Negotiating
Authority Act of 2001. The Ways and Means Committee disapproved H.R. 3019 on October
9 by a 27-12 vote.
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
The Constitution gives Congress the primary power over trade policy: Article 1
empowers Congress “to regulate commerce with foreign nations” and “to lay and collect
taxes, duties, imposts, and excises.” For 145 years, Congress exercised this power through
frequent enactment of tariff acts, setting in detail duty rates for individual imports. Since
Congress was elected by local interests that often benefitted from protection against imports,
there were incentives for keeping tariffs at high levels.
Early Presidential Authority to Cut Tariffs
By virtue of his constitutional power to conduct foreign affairs, the President technically
has the authority to negotiate and enter into agreements with foreign countries, including
those dealing with trade and tariff policy. The President, however, has no authority to impose
duties unless Congress delegates that authority. The Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of
1934 made a major change in these legislative and executive roles. Under the 1934 Act,
Congress authorized the President to negotiate reciprocal reductions of tariffs, within a
limited range and time period, and to implement them by proclamation without the need for
implementing legislation. Because the President was accountable to a broader constituency
than Members of Congress, the President could negotiate reciprocal reductions in tariffs
(within the limits allowed) without the political liability faced by Members.
For the next several decades, Congress extended the President’s tariff-cutting authority
several times. Under this authority, the President negotiated reductions in tariff levels
multilaterally in five rounds under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. After
agreements were reached at these rounds, the President proclaimed the lower tariffs under the
authority Congress had delegated.
Nontariff Barriers and Fast-Track Authority
The sixth round of multilateral trade negotiations, called the Kennedy Round (1964-67),
involved negotiations on nontariff as well as tariff barriers. Congress had extended
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presidential tariff-cutting authority for the Kennedy Round by the Trade Expansion Act of
1962. That authority did not include negotiation of nontariff barriers. Nonetheless, the
Administration reached agreements on two nontariff barriers: (1) the American Selling Price
(ASP), which was an artificially high import valuation based on domestic producers’ prices;
and (2) a code, or set of rules, on antidumping. Although the 1962 Act authorized (as did the
1934 Act) the President to negotiate a reduction of “any existing duty or other import
restriction,” the general view at the time was that by entering into the antidumping agreement,
the President had overstepped his delegated power. Congress subsequently not only did not
enact legislation to implement it, but actually enacted a provision which would nullify any
provision of the antidumping agreement inconsistent with the U.S. antidumping law.
The decision by Congress not to approve the ASP or antidumping agreements showed
that there was a dilemma regarding negotiations on nontariff barriers. Trading partners
wanted assurance that U.S. negotiators could reach a deal with likelihood of approval back
home. By then, tariff levels had been reduced through prior rounds, and nontariff barriers
were becoming increasingly important in restricting trade. Without an advance grant of
authority from Congress, U.S. negotiators were concerned they would have no credibility in
future trade talks.
In the early 1970s, in anticipation of a seventh round of multilateral negotiations that was
sure to include nontariff barriers, President Nixon submitted legislation for a new type of
negotiating authority. The proposed legislation would have granted to him proclamation
authority for nontariff barriers much like the previously granted authority for tariffs. He
proposed that he be able to reach a nontariff agreement, submit it to Congress, and unless
Congress legislatively disapproved the agreement, the President would put the changes into
effect by proclamation. There would be no need for implementing legislation. The Nixon
proposal was passed in the House.
That proposal, however, was stopped in the Senate. Senate Members and staff reached
a different, substantially new arrangement with the Administration. Under this compromise,
which was enacted in the Trade Act of 1974, Congress gave the President temporary
authority to negotiate nontariff trade agreements. Congress specified negotiating objectives.
The President was required to consult with appropriate congressional committees before and
during the negotiation and to notify Congress at least 90 days before entering into the
agreement. The President had to submit implementing legislation, along with a statement of
administrative action to be taken and reasons why the agreement serves the interests of U.S.
commerce. Once the bill was submitted, Congress was to follow an expedited legislative
procedure. This procedure included mandatory deadlines, no amendments, and limited
debate. The authority to negotiate nontariff trade agreements with an expedited procedure
for implementing legislation became commonly known as fast-track authority. At the time
the compromise was approved, there was little if any controversy about the procedural
restrictions. The 1974 Act gave Congress an enlarged role in trade negotiations through the
consultation and notification requirements.
The negotiating authority in the 1974 Act enabled the Administration to negotiate the
Tokyo Round of multilateral trade negotiations (1974-79). After the Round was completed,
there was an important development in the role of Congress regarding the implementation of
the Round’s results. When it was time to construct the implementing legislation, Senate staff
argued that Congress should have an active part in that process. The result was that Congress
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took a draft bill through a “mock” legislative process, with committee consideration,
amendments, and conference committee. The President then submitted legislation based on
the final draft bill. Although not formally outlined in any document, the executive and
legislative branches thus agreed on a process that allowed congressional involvement in
crafting legislation to ensure expedited procedures once a bill was submitted.
The 1974 Act granted fast-track authority to the President for agreements reached over
the next five years. The Trade Agreements Act of 1979 (P.L. 96-39) extended the authority
another eight years. After a brief lapse, the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988
(P.L. 100-418) renewed the President’s fast-track authority for agreements reached through
May 1993 (the latter two years of that renewal depended on whether the President requested
the two-year extension and Congress did not pass a disapproval resolution). The 1988 Act
was subsequently amended (P.L. 103-49) to extend fast-track authority for Uruguay Round
agreements reached before April 16, 1994. After that, the President’s trade negotiating
authority expired and has not been renewed.
Fast-track authority had been instrumental in negotiating and implementing five major
trade agreements. Two of those five agreements were multilateral agreements reached during
the Tokyo Round and the Uruguay Round negotiations in the GATT. The other three
agreements were free trade agreements: the U.S.-Israel free trade agreement, which was
negotiated under special authority in the Trade and Tariff Act of 1984 (P.L. 98-573); the
U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement; and the North American Free Trade Agreement. No
agreement has been disapproved under fast-track procedures.
Stalemate on Fast-Track Renewal
During the 104th Congress (1995-1996), President Clinton proposed an extension of fast-
track authority for agreements reached before December 31, 1999, with a two-year extension
beyond that date if the President requested the extension and Congress did not pass a
disapproval resolution. The President’s intent was to use fast-track authority to extend the
North American Free Trade Agreement to Chile. Democrats supported the President’s
proposal. A Republican-supported alternative was approved by the House Ways and Means
Committee on September 21, 1995. This bill, H.R. 2371 (H.Rept. 104-285, Part 1), listed
five principal negotiating objectives, but omitted objectives related to labor and environmental
standards. H.R. 2371 would have limited fast-track implementation to provisions that are
“directly related” to the specified principal negotiating objectives, unlike previous fast-track
authorizations, which provided for fast-track consideration of provisions that are “necessary
and appropriate” in the President’s discretion to negotiate trade agreements that include areas
that are not specified in the fast-track authorization. Under the proposal, if negotiators went
beyond the mandated objectives, fast-track implementation could be denied. The bill did not
reach floor vote. Disagreement over the inclusion of labor and environmental issues was a
major reason why fast-track authority was not renewed in the 104th Congress.

A major push to enact fast-track legislation occurred during the 105th Congress (1997-
1998). In the first half of 1997, President Clinton did little on a fast-track bill because of
attention to the budget and other priorities. In spite of warnings from both Democrats and
Republicans, he waited until after Labor Day to submit a proposal to Congress. He submitted
his proposal on September 16, 1997. The proposal was met with criticism by both Democrats
and Republicans. Many Democrats opposed the proposal because it did not include labor and
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the environment in the core objectives. Many Republicans said that they did not want to
include labor or the environment in the agreement at all.
Two weeks later, on October 1, 1997, the Senate proceeded more quickly. The Finance
Committee reported out S. 1269 (S.Rept. 105-102). The bill included labor and the
environment only as they related to trade, and limited fast-track to provisions that were
necessary for the implementation of the agreement, not “necessary or appropriate.” In early
November, the Senate approved a motion to proceed to floor consideration, but stopped there
to wait for the House to act.
On October 8, 1997, the House Committee on Ways and Means approved H.R. 2621
(H.Rept. 105-341, Part 1), which was similar to the bill in the Senate. The committee vote
was 24-14, with only 4 of the 16 Democrats on the Committee voting for the bill.
Republicans wanted President Clinton to assure at least 60-80 votes on the floor, but this was
never attained. Labor interests had been lobbying hard, and few Democrats wanted to
support the measure. Some Democratic Members urged a floor vote to try to get the
undecided Members to commit. House Speaker Gingrich agreed, and set the floor vote for
November 7th then delayed it to Nov. 9th. President Clinton lobbied hard, but there were not
the votes for passage, and House Speaker Gingrich and President Clinton agreed to hold off
on the floor vote. House Speaker Gingrich reportedly said that the vote was about 5-25 votes
short of passage.
The following year, on July 1, 1998, the Senate Finance Committee voted 18-2 to
approve S. 2400 (S.Rept. 105-102), a comprehensive trade bill that included essentially the
same fast-track provisions that the Committee had approved the year before (S. 1269) plus
other trade programs such as trade preferences for sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean and
renewal of the Generalized System of Preferences. (Democrats in the House had opposed the
idea of a comprehensive bill the year earlier.) S. 2400 did not reach the Senate floor.
On July 23, 1998, House Speaker Gingrich announced that a vote would be scheduled
on fast-track legislation that September. President Clinton and some Democratic Members
opposed a vote that close to the November elections. They wanted the vote postponed until
the next year. Some Republicans claimed that the Democrats did not want to vote for trade
authority against their labor supporters just before an election. Democrats claimed that the
Republicans scheduled the vote to get agriculture and business support and to hurt the
Democrats. On September 25, 1998, the House voted down fast-track bill H.R. 2621 by a
vote of 180-243. The vote was along strongly partisan lines. Some observers had wondered
if the bill’s defeat would hurt the international markets, but that did not happen. Some also
wondered whether the vote might hurt prospects for fast-track legislation in the future, since
it might be hard for Members to reverse their votes.
During the 106th Congress (1999-2000), there was little done on fast-track renewal. In
1999, the Senate Finance Committee considered the idea of another omnibus trade bill with
fast track provisions, but decided to split up the proposals and didn’t act on fast-track. With
the presidential election in 2000, there was virtually no activity on fast track that year.
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Developments During the 107th Congress
A major issue during the 107th Congress continues to be how labor and the environment
should be treated in trade agreements. Some Members support fast-track reauthorization, but
only with strong labor and environmental provisions that can be enforced with sanctions.
They maintain that high domestic labor and environmental standards put U.S. producers at
a competitive disadvantage, and that increased trade with countries with lax standards may
lead to pressure to lower U.S. standards. Other Members support labor and environmental
provisions but not necessarily with enforcement by sanction. They want the President to have
discretion on how to enforce those provisions. Yet other Members favor excluding labor and
the environment completely and limiting the authority for fast-track implementation to
provisions that relate strictly to removal of trade barriers. They are concerned that, if trade
agreements allow trade sanctions to be used to enforce environmental and labor rules, such
sanctions might be used as protectionist barriers.
Some Members view the U.S.-Jordan free trade agreement (FTA) as a model for how
to address labor and the environment in future agreements. The FTA includes provisions on
labor and the environment in the main text of the agreement, unlike the side agreements of
the NAFTA. It allows a party to call on the agreement’s dispute settlement provisions where
the other party fails to effectively enforce its national labor and environmental laws in a
manner affecting trade between the parties. Other Members, however, oppose the U.S.-
Jordan FTA model. A few Members have suggested the U.S. approach could be patterned
after the Canada-Chile free trade agreement, which includes monetary penalties for violation
of labor and environment provisions. Other Members and USTR Zoellick emphasize there
is no one-size-fits-all model and support a “toolbox” approach that offers a variety of
solutions from which to choose. These many different approaches are seen in the
Administration’s position, a proposal by the New Democrats, and various bills in the House
and in the Senate.
The President’s Legislative Agenda (May 10, 2001)
From its start, the Bush Administration has made trade negotiating authority a priority
of its overall trade policy. During his February 27th State of the Union address, President
Bush said, “Each of the previous five Presidents has had the ability to negotiate far reaching
trade agreements. Tonight I ask you to give me the strong hand of presidential trade
promotion authority, and to do so quickly.”
The Administration also introduced a new phrase to replace the term “fast-track
authority.” During his January 30th confirmation hearing, U.S. Trade Representative (USTR)
nominee Robert Zoellick said that he would promptly follow up with the Senate Finance
Committee and the House Ways and Means Committee “to consider how to reestablish trade
promotion authority [italics added] for the President, based on the fast-track precedent and
the broadest possible support.” The term “trade promotion authority”is now widely used
interchangeably with “fast-track authority.”
On May 10th, President Bush provided Congress with an outline of his 2001 legislative
agenda for international trade, with trade negotiating authority (TPA) the top priority. The
President’s proposal for TPA states that the authority would be used for a new WTO round,
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a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement, and other regional and bilateral negotiations,
including free trade agreements with Chile and Singapore. The proposal lists 13 negotiating
objectives. One objective would encourage the protection of children and adherence to core
labor standards in connection with international trade, and another would encourage mutually
supportive trade and environmental protection policies in accordance with the objective of
sustainable development, both “in a manner consistent with U.S. sovereignty and trade
expansion.” The Administration proposed that environmental protection, employment
opportunities, and other measures be taken into account in making decisions on negotiations.
It also affirmed that Congress and advisory committees would be consulted at key stages of
each negotiation. The proposal does not include a time period for the authority, but calls for
“a sufficient time” for various negotiations.
Along with the legislative agenda, the President submitted an illustrative list identifying
a “toolbox” of actions the United States could take together with trade negotiations.
Examples of toolbox actions include using labor standards in existing trade programs and
highlighting in the National Trade Estimate report measures that hurt the environment.
New Democrats Proposal (May 24, 2001)
On May 24, the Senate and House New Democrats responded to the President’s trade
promotion agenda with a set of principles (see box). According to a press release from
Representative Dooley, one of the leaders of the New Democrats, the New Democrats
“applaud” President Bush’s inclusion of labor and environmental standards in the trade
agenda, but argue that the Bush plan is “silent on the critical issue of appropriate mechanisms
for enforcing trade agreements.” The New Democrat principles say that they were intended
to increase access to foreign markets and improve living standards through trade. The
principles state that labor and the environment should have parity with the other negotiating
objectives and call for enhanced congressional consultation. They also seek an “enforcement
toolbox” that does not preclude any enforcement mechanism. The principles call for “parallel
policies” to increase domestic confidence in trade, such as reauthorization of trade adjustment
assistance and a joint work program with the International Labor Organization (ILO) and
World Trade Organization (WTO). Some congressional Republican leaders responded by
saying that the principles were welcome as a contribution to moving forward the debate on
trade authority.
H.R. 2149, the Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001
On June 13, Representative Crane, Chairman of the Trade Subcommittee of the House
Ways and Means Committee, introduced H.R. 2149, the Trade Promotion Authority Act of
2001. In the section on trade negotiating objectives, H.R. 2149 lays out four broad “Overall
Objectives” and 10 specific “Principal Objectives,” and includes a subsection on “Other
Presidential Objectives” that would authorize the President to include other issues if the
provisions: (1) are directly related to trade; (2) are consistent with U.S. sovereignty; (3) are
trade expending and not protectionist; and (4) do not affect a country’s ability to make
changes to its laws that are consistent with sound macroeconomic development. In none of
these provisions are labor and the environment specifically included.
The bill’s provisions cover tariff and nontariff trade agreements that are reached before
June 1, 2005, with a two-year extension allowed under specified conditions.
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For certain tariff agreements that generally cut tariffs by no more than half and meet
other specified conditions, the President may proclaim tariff changes without implementing
legislation.
For other tariff agreements and for nontariff agreements, the President may enter into
an agreement only if the agreement makes progress in meeting the Overall and Principal
Objectives and the President meets the requirements for consultation and notification.
Expedited procedures (“trade authorities procedures”) would apply to an implementing bill
that contains: (1) approval of the agreement and accompanying documents; and (2) provisions
“necessary or appropriate” to implement the agreement, if statutory change is required. An
implementing bill may include provisions to which Other Presidential Objectives apply only
if the bill’s provisions meet the four criteria shown in the above paragraph on objectives (three
paragraphs above). The bill includes other provisions found in most TPA legislation:
notification and consultation requirements; advisory reports on the agreement; specified
documents when an implementing bill is submitted; and withdrawal of expedited procedures
if notification/consultation requirements are not met. It also would establish a Congressional
Oversight Group to consult with and provide advice to the USTR on negotiations. It would
require the President to submit an enforcement plan for the agreement and include related
costs in the next budget.
When the bill was introduced, House Republican leaders said that H.R. 2149 was a first
step in the formulation of a trade promotion bill. They looked for quick consideration and
said that the bill would move through committee to the House floor as soon as they had the
votes for approval. There was immediate opposition to the bill from House Democratic
leaders. The day after the bill was introduced, House Democratic Leader Gephardt said that
the bill “looks like another ‘my way or the highway’ solution to a problem.” A spokesperson
for Finance Committee Chairman Baucus said that the bill showed there was “a long way to
go” in addressing labor and the environment. Many, but not all, business and agriculture
groups supported the bill, while labor and environmental groups strongly opposed it.
S. 1104, Trade Promotion Act of 2001
On June 26, Senator Graham, for himself, Senator Murkowski, and seven other Senators
introduced S. 1104, the Trade Promotion Act of 2001. In his introductory comments,
Senator Graham said that the bill was the result of work by himself and Senator Murkowski
to translate the President’s trade principles and the New Democrat priorities into legislative
language.
S. 1104 includes objectives in three parts. First, the Statement of Purposes gives four
broad goals for trade agreements. Second, the part on Principal Objectives lists 14 specific
goals. These goals include worker rights and the environment. The bill states that the
“principal objective of trade agreements is to expand the freedom to trade and invest, and in
the process expand jobs, economic growth, and opportunity.” It also says that in pursuing
the 14 Principal Objectives, negotiators “shall take into account legitimate United States
domestic objectives, including protection of health, safety, essential security, environmental,
consumer, and employment opportunity interests.” Third, the Complementary Objectives
state the President should “seek to ensure that the trade agreements...complement and
reinforce other policy goals.” Priorities in this area include: (1) intellectual property rights
protection; (2) stability in international currency markets; (3) respect for workers’ rights; (4)
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expanded production and trade while seeking to protect the environment; (5) support for U.S.
counternarcotics strategy; (6) international peace and security; and (7) reduced illegal
migration.
The bill’s provisions cover tariff and nontariff trade agreements that are reached before
December 31, 2005, with a two-year extension under certain conditions.
For certain tariff agreements that generally cut tariffs by no more than half and meet
other specified conditions, the President may proclaim tariff changes without implementing
legislation.
For other tariff agreements and for nontariff agreements, the President may enter into
an agreement if: (1) the agreement makes progress in meeting the Principal Objectives; (2)
the President satisfies the notification and consultation requirements; and (3) the agreement
includes exact wording, as specified in the bill, to the effect that the United States will not be
bound by any provision in the agreement that interferes with or amends any U.S. law or
standard relating to health, safety, labor, environment, or essential security. Expedited
procedures (“trade agreement approval procedures”) would apply to an implementing bill that
contains: (1) approval of the agreement and accompanying documents; (2) provisions
necessary to implement such trade agreement; and (3) provisions necessary for budgetary
purposes. The implementing bill would be prohibited from making changes in health, safety,
labor, environmental, or security laws or standards. The bill provides for a point of order to
strike any part of the bill (except budgetary provisions) that is in violation of the allowed
provisions. It also provides for a point of order that an agreement that does not contain the
required exact wording referred to above in this paragraph, with the consequent loss of
expedited procedures. The bill includes some provisions found in most TPA legislation:
notification and consultation requirements; an advisory report on the agreement; and specified
documents when an implementing bill is submitted. It provides procedures for withdrawal
of expedited procedures before the start of the negotiations (no reason required), or at any
time if notification/consultation requirements are not met.
Democratic congressional leaders on trade spoke out against the bill. Finance
Committee Chairman Baucus said that the bill was not strong enough with regard to labor and
environmental provisions. Representative Rangel, Ranking Member on the Ways and Means
Committee, and Representative Levin, Ranking Member on the Ways and Means
Subcommittee on Trade, were also critical. A number of Republican Members spoke
favorably of the bill. Senator Grassley, Ranking Member on the Finance Committee, praised
it. USTR Zoellick said he applauded the bill’s sponsors for introducing a bill to give TPA.
Proposal by Senator Baucus
On July 25, Finance Committee Chairman Baucus released a proposal for a fast-track
bill. He emphasized that there was little time left in the year for action on a bill, and he said
that he viewed the proposal as a starting point and hoped it would spark the dialogue
necessary to develop a bipartisan approach to fast-track extension.
The proposal lists 13 objectives for trade negotiations. None is specifically related to
labor or the environment.
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Under a section called “Primary Directions to Negotiators,” the proposal specifies
guidelines for labor rights, environmental protection, transparency, and trade laws. On labor
rights, the proposal says that the United States shall seek a requirement that countries not
derogate from domestic labor laws so as to gain trade or investment advantages, affirmation
of countries’ commitments to the five core principles of the International Labor Organization
(ILO), a general exception in the WTO to permit a country to take measures under an ILO
Article dealing with failure of a country to carry out a recommendation, and increased
cooperation between the ILO and the WTO and other international institutions. It says that
the United States shall conduct a labor rights review focused on observance of core ILO
principles; and shall seek provisions allowing restriction of imports made with forced labor,
including exploitative child labor. It says that for all new trade agreements, the President
must transmit to Congress a strategy for implementing and enforcing core labor standards in
countries that are parties to the agreements.
With regard to environmental protection, the proposal states that all new trade
agreements should be consistent with environmental protection goals. They provide that the
United States shall seek a requirement that countries not derogate from domestic labor laws
so as to gain trade or investment advantages, and the President must transmit to Congress a
strategy for implementing and enforcing core environmental protection standards in countries
that are parties to all new trade agreements. It also says that current environmental reviews
for trade agreements shall be included as a statutory requirement for fast-track legislation, and
that actions taken under core multilateral environmental agreements should be “safe
harbored” from legal challenge under trade agreements. It includes several guidelines for
investor-to-state disputes. It also says that all trade agreements should recognize the
obligation of national governments to protect their citizens through health and safety
standards.
The proposal would attempt to promote transparency in all stages of dispute settlement
processes. It says that the United States should not enter into any trade agreement that
undermines or weakens U.S. trade laws.
The proposal would grant fast-track procedures for two years, with a possible three-year
extension. It says authority for a new round of WTO agreements and an FTAA agreement
should be approved in the fast-track bill, but authority for other agreements would have to
be separately requested by the President and approved by the House Ways and Means and
Senate Finance Committees. The proposal would increase congressional oversight by a new
body of Congressional Trade Advisors, who would have access to all negotiating sessions.
It also would provide for possible withdrawal of fast-track procedures if negotiating
objectives and directions are not substantially satisfied.
Reaction to the proposal was mixed. Environmental and labor groups saw the provisions
as weak, and especially opposed the allowance for the President to select from a range of
options under a “flexible enforcement procedure,” since they were critical of how the Bush
Administration would use such discretion. The National Association of Manufacturers said
that although it does not support all of the proposal, it agreed with much of it. The
Administration welcomed the proposals as a “step forward.”
About two and a half months later, Chairman Baucus further outlined his position on
TPA legislation. In a speech on October 11, 2001, he called for greater bipartisanship on a
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fast-track bill, saying that otherwise every future trade agreement would be “a struggle to
pass.” He said common ground could be found in several areas: greater cooperation between
the WTO and the International Labor Organization (ILO); restored funding for the
Department of Labor’s International Labor Affairs Bureau; changes to address investment
problems such as those under Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement; and
protection of U.S. trade laws. He supported a system for Congress to check if negotiating
objectives have been met. He also said that trade adjustment assistance “must be a part of any
movement forward on fast track.”
H.R. 3005, Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001
On October 3, Representative Thomas, Chairman of the House Ways and Means
Committee, introduced H.R. 3005, a bill to extend trade negotiating authority. Chairman
Thomas had worked with a small number of Democrats on this bill through the summer. The
Democrats included Representative Dooley with the New Democrats, and Representatives
Jefferson and Tanner, both on the Ways and Means Committee. The three Democrats,
Representative Crane, and Representative Dreier, Chairman of the Rules Committee, are the
bill’s cosponsors.
The provisions of H.R. 3005 cover tariff and nontariff trade agreements that are reached
before June 30, 2005, with a two-year extension allowed under specified conditions.
Under the section on trade negotiating objectives, the bill outlines six general objectives
as “Overall Objectives.” Among these are the two objectives of mutually supportive trade
and environmental policies and of respect for worker rights. The bill has 12 more specific
“Principle Objectives.” One of these objectives--labor and the environment--has drawn much
attention. That objective calls for the following: assurance that parties will not fail to
effectively enforce their own environmental and labor laws; recognition that parties retain
wide discretion on domestic labor and environmental matters; strengthened capacity of U.S.
trading partners to promote respect for labor standards and to protect the environment;
elimination of government practices that threaten sustainable development; market access for
U.S. environmental businesses; and assurance that labor, environmental, health, or safety
policies of other countries do not discriminate against U.S. exports.
The section on objectives also directs the President to take actions that further “certain
priorities,” most of which are related to labor and environmental goals. An example of these
11 actions is that the President must seek greater cooperation between the World Trade
Organization and the International Labor Organization. Of note: this section also directs the
President to preserve the U.S. ability to enforce rigorously its trade laws.
For certain tariff agreements that generally cut tariffs by no more than half and meet
other specified conditions, the President may proclaim tariff changes without implementing
legislation.
For other tariff agreements and for nontariff agreements, the President may enter into
an agreement only if the agreement “makes progress in meeting” the Overall and Principal
Objectives, and the President satisfies the consultation requirements. Expedited legislative
procedures would apply to an implementing bill with: (1) provisions approving a trade
agreement and any statement of administrative action; and (2) provisions “necessary or
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appropriate” to implement an agreement, if changes in law are required to implement the
agreement.
H.R. 3005 includes consultation requirements at various stages of negotiation. At least
90 days before initiating negotiations, the President must notify Congress of the intent to
enter into negotiations and provide specified information. Before and after giving notice, the
President must consult with the two revenue committees, such other committees “as the
President deems appropriate,” and the newly established Congressional Oversight Group
(COG; see next paragraph). Additional consultation is required on certain agricultural tariff
matters. During negotiations, the USTR must consult closely with the revenue committees,
all committees with jurisdiction, current congressional trade advisors, and the COG. Before
entering into an agreement, the President must consult with the revenue committees, other
committees with jurisdiction, and the COG, and these consultations must include the nature
of the agreement and other specified information. The bill sets deadlines for private sector
advisory committee reports and a report by the International Trade Commission on the
agreement’s impacts.
The bill would establish a new body of congressional trade advisors, the Congressional
Oversight Group. Members of the COG would be the chair and ranking member of the
revenue committees (who would co-chair the COG), three other members (no more than two
members from the same party) from each of the revenue committees, and the chair and
ranking member of any other committees with jurisdiction for laws affected by agreements
under negotiation. Members of the COG would be official advisors to the U.S. delegation
and would consult and advise the USTR on aspects of the negotiation.
The section on implementation of trade agreements is similar to other bills and to
previous law. The President must notify the House and Senate at least 90 days before
entering into the agreement. Within 60 days of signing the agreement, the President must
describe to Congress any changes to law necessary under the agreement. The President must
submit the agreement, a statement of administrative action, a draft implementing bill, and
other specified information (no deadline for submission). H.R. 3005 includes a procedure that
would disallow expedited procedures for an implementing bill, if the President did not give
notice or consult as required.
H.R. 3005 was approved by the House Ways and Means Committee on October 9 by
a vote of 26-13. The Committee markup had originally been scheduled for October 5, but
was postponed because of complaints by Democratic Committee members that more time was
needed to debate key proposals. The bill was reported out of the Ways and Means
Committee (H.Rept. 107-249, Part 1) on October 16. A House vote on the bill is scheduled
for early December (see later section on Outlook.).
H.R. 3019, Comprehensive Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2001
On October 4, Representative Rangel, Ranking Member on the House Ways and Means
Committee, and Representative Levin, Ranking Member of the Ways and Means
Subcommittee on Trade, released H.R. 3019. The bill’s supporters said that their proposal
had key differences with the Thomas bill in the areas of labor standards, environmental issues,
enforcement, and the role of Congress. During the October 9 markup by Ways and Means,
H.R. 3019 was rejected by a 27-12 vote.
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The provisions of H.R. 3019 cover tariff and nontariff agreements that are reached
within five years of enactment, with a two-year extension allowed under specified conditions.
Under the section on negotiating objectives, the bill begins with a relatively long list of
overall objectives (16 overall objectives in H.R. 3019, compared to 3-6 overall objectives in
most other bills and in prior law). In another departure from other bills and prior law, H.R.
3019 then presents different sets of principal negotiating objectives for different types of trade
agreements. It gives 23 objectives for agreements under the WTO, 17 objectives for an
agreement for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and the same 17 objectives for
bilateral agreements. It does not include a list comparable to that in H.R. 3005 on actions the
President must take to achieve “certain priorities.” Although both H.R. 3005 and H.R. 3019
give more attention than to labor and environmental objectives than past law, the provisions
in H.R. 3019 in general give more direction to negotiators on achieving labor and
environmental goals.
For certain tariff agreements that generally cut tariffs by no more than half and meet
other specified conditions, the President may proclaim tariff changes without implementing
legislation.
For other tariff agreements and for nontariff agreements, the President may enter into
an agreement only if the agreements “substantially achieves” [as compared to “makes
progress in meeting” in H.R. 3005] all the objectives, and the President satisfies other
(including notification and consultation) requirements. Expedited legislative procedures
would apply to an implementing bill with: (1) provisions approving a trade agreement and any
statement of administrative action [in H.R. 3005]; (2) provisions “necessary or appropriate”
to implement an agreement, if changes in law are required to implement the agreement [in
H.R. 3005]; and (3) provisions to provide trade adjustment assistance [not in H.R. 3005].
H.R. 3019 includes notification and/or consultation requirements at various stages of
negotiation [generally in more instances than in H.R. 3005]. It also amends the current
system of congressional trade advisers, rather than [as proposed in H.R. 3005] establish a new
body of congressional trade advisers.
H.R. 3019 would allow withdrawal of expedited procedures at different stages of
negotiations, and for different reasons than in H.R. 3005. H.R. 3019 would allow withdrawal
of expedited procedures before the start of negotiations, during negotiations, and before the
President enters into an agreement if congressional advisers do not concur with the President
that the agreement “substantially achieves the principal negotiating objectives.”
Outlook
On November 16, House Majority Leader Armey announced that the House would vote
on TPA legislation (H.R. 3005) on December 6. No definite action in the Senate has been
announced.
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LEGISLATION
H.R. 1446 (English)
Standard Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2001. A bill to provide permanent trade
negotiating authority. Introduced April 4, 2001; referred to Committees on Ways and
Means; and Rules. The bill would extend fast trade procedures permanently if a newly
established Commission on Labor and the Environment submitted a report to the President
and Congress, and the President received prior authorization from Congress, before the start
of negotiations. It would exempt agreements under the WTO.
H.R. 2149 (Crane, et. al.)
Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001. A bill to extend trade authorities procedures
with respect to reciprocal trade agreements. Introduced June 13, 2001; referred to the
Committee on Ways and Means, and in addition to the Committee on Rules, for a period to
be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions
as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
H.R. 3005 (Thomas, et. al.)
Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2001. A bill to extend trade authorities
procedures with respect to reciprocal trade agreements. Introduced October 3, 2001; referred
to Committee on Ways and Means and Committee on Rules. Reported (amended) by the
Committee on Ways and Means (H.Rept. 107-249, Part 1) October 16, 2001. Committee on
Rules discharged October 17, 2001.
H.R. 3019 (Rangel, et. al.)
Comprehensive Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2001. A bill to provide fast-track
trade negotiating authority to the President. Introduced October 4, 2001; referred to
Committee on Ways and Means and Committee on Rules.
S. 136 (Gramm)
Fast Track Trade Negotiating Authority Act. A bill to amend the Omnibus Trade and
Competitiveness Act of 1988 to extend trade negotiating and trade agreement implementing
authority through the end of 2004. Introduced January 22, 2001; referred to Finance
Committee.
S. 599 (Roberts, et al.)
Permanent Trade Promotion Authority and Market Access Act of 2001. A bill to amend
the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 to establish permanent trade negotiating
and trade agreement implementing authority. Introduced March 22, 2001; referred to Finance
Committee.
S. 1104 (Graham/Murkowski, et al.)
Trade Promotion Act of 2001. A bill to establish objectives for negotiating, and
procedures for implementing, certain trade agreements. Introduced June 26, 2001; referred
to Finance Committee.
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CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS, REPORTS, AND DOCUMENTS
U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Bipartisan Trade Promotion
Authority Act of 2001. Report together with additional and dissenting views to accompany
H.R. 3005, October 16, 2001. H. Rept. 107-249, Part 1. 107th Congress, 1st session. U.S.
Govt. Print. Off., 2001. 83 p.
CHRONOLOGY
1934 – In the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934, Congress begins a policy of
delegating authority to the President to negotiate tariff agreements within limits and to
implement the new tariff levels by proclamation.
01/03/75 – The Trade Act of 1974 is enacted. Under the Act, Congress continues to delegate
to the President the authority to negotiate tariff agreements and implement them by
proclamation. Congress also delegates to the President the authority to negotiate
nontariff trade agreements subject to consultation and notification requirements. For
nontariff agreements reached by specified deadlines, Congress agrees to consider such
agreements under an expedited (“fast track”) procedure.
04/16/94 – After almost continual reauthorization since 1975, the President’s trade
negotiating authority expires.
09/25/98 – The House disapproves H.R. 2621 by a largely partisan vote of 180-243. The
Administration opposed the vote.
10/24/00 – The U.S.-Jordan free trade agreement is signed. The agreement’s labor and
environment provisions become a focus of congressional debate on fast-track authority.
02/27/01 – In his State of the Union speech, President Bush asks Congress to quickly give
him presidential trade promotion authority.
05/10/01 – President Bush outlines his 2001 legislative agenda for international trade. He
places trade promotion authority (TPA) at the top of the agenda.
05/24/01 – The Senate and House New Democrats release their set of TPA principles that say
that labor and the environment should have parity with other negotiating objectives.
06/13/01 – Representative Crane, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Subcommittee
on Trade, introduces H.R. 2149.
06/26/01 – Senator Graham, for himself, Senator Murkowski, and seven other Senators
introduce S. 1104.
07/25/01 – Senate Finance Committee Chairman Baucus releases his proposal for a fast-track
bill.
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10/04/01 – Representative Rangel, Ranking Member on the Ways and Means Committee, and
Representative Levin, Ranking Member on the Ways and Means Subcommittee on
Trade, introduce H.R. 3019. The bill is later disapproved by the Ways and Means
Committee on 10/09/01 by a 27-12 vote.
10/16/01 – The House Ways and Means Committee reports out H.R. 3005 (H.Rept. 107-249,
Part 1). The Committee approved the bill on 10/09/01 by a 26-13 vote. Committee
Chairman Thomas introduced the bill on 10/03/01.
FOR ADDITIONAL READING
Destler, I. M. and Peter J. Balint. The New Politics of American Trade: Trade, Labor,
and the Environment. Institute for International Economics. Policy Analyses in International
Economics. October 1999. 66 p.
Negotiating Trade Agreements: Presidential Fast Track Authority; Pro and Con.
Congressional digest, v. 76, Dec. 1997: whole issue (289-320).
Slow Road to Fast-track: Does it Matter? The Economist (US), Oct 3, 1998; v. 348,
n. 8088. p. S32.
CRS Products
CRS General Distribution Memorandum, Trade Promotion Authority (Fast-Track): A
Comparison of H.R. 2149 (107th Congress) and H.R. 2621 (105th Congress), by Lenore Sek.
July 17, 2001.
CRS Report 97-817, Agriculture and Fast Track Trade Legislation, by Geoffrey S.
Becker and Charles E. Hanrahan.
CRS Report RS21004, Fast-Track Negotiating Authority for Trade Agreements and
Trade Promotion Authority: Chronology for Major Votes, by Carolyn C. Smith.
CRS Report 98-888, “Fast-Track" or Expedited Procedures: Their Purposes, Elements,
and Implications, by Stanley Bach.
CRS Report 97-861, NAFTA Labor Side Agreement: Lessons for the Worker Rights and
Fast-track Debate, by Mary Jane Bolle.
CRS Report 97-896, Why Certain Trade Agreements Are Approved as
Congressional-Executive Agreements Rather than as Treaties, by Jeanne J. Grimmett.
CRS Report 96-661, Worker Rights Provisions and Trade Policy: Should They Be
Linked?, by Mary Jane Bolle.
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