Order Code RL30341
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China”
Policy – Key Statements from Washington,
Beijing, and Taipei
Updated March 12, 2001
Shirley A. Kan
Specialist in National Security Policy
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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This CRS Report was initiated upon a request
from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott in the
106th Congress.

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China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy –
Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei
Summary
On July 9, 1999, questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee
Teng-hui, then-President of Taiwan, characterized cross-strait relations as “special
state-to-state ties.” The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s statement was
not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to “two Chinas.”
Beijing, in February 2000, issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming its
“peaceful unification” policy but with new warnings about the risk of conflict. There
also have been questions about whether and how President Chen Shui-bian,
inaugurated in May 2000, might adjust Taiwan’s policy toward the Mainland.
In Part I, this CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the United
States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People’s Republic of China
(PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of the “one China”
principle as articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.
Despite apparently consistent statements over almost three decades, the critical
“one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different
interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Apart from questions about
what the policy entails, issues have arisen about whether successive Administrations
have changed the U.S. position since 1971, in response to changing conditions.
The U.S. policy on “one China” has evolved to cover three issues: sovereignty,
peaceful resolution, and cross-strait dialogue. First, the United States did not
explicitly state its own position on the status of Taiwan in the three communiques, but
“acknowledged” the “one China” position of both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
Nonetheless, some have contended that the U.S. position, since originally formulated
in 1972, in the first of three Communiques, has adopted the “one China” principle and
shifted closer to that of the PRC’s. Some in Congress and elsewhere contended that
President Clinton’s statement on “Three Noes” was a change in U.S. policy. Second,
successive Administrations have expressed the consistent U.S. stance – in increasingly
stronger ways – that any resolution of the Taiwan question be peaceful. Third, the
Reagan Administration agreed to “Six Assurances” with Taiwan in 1982, including
promises that Washington will not mediate and will not pressure Taipei to negotiate
with Beijing. With intermittent cross-strait talks and military tensions in the 1990s,
however, President Clinton has urged dialogue and a peaceful resolution “as soon as
possible.” In July 1999, U.S. encouragement of dialogue culminated in President
Clinton’s articulation of a new phrase: that U.S. policy has “three pillars” (one China,
cross-strait dialogue, and peaceful resolution).
Since 1979, Congress has exercised oversight of the Taiwan Relations Act
(TRA), which governs U.S. policy toward Taiwan, or the Republic of China (ROC).
Under the rubric of the “one China” policy, issues include: U.S. arms sales to Taiwan
and how U.S. statements might be ambiguous or clarified for deterrence against
provocations or conflict; how to maintain peace and stability, including the U.S.
political and military roles in the cross-strait dispute; and how to support Taiwan’s
quest for “international space.”

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Contents
Part I: U.S. Policy on “One China” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Ambiguity in the Key Statements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Has U.S. Policy Changed? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sovereignty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Use of Force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Cross-Strait Dialogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Policy Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Part II: Excerpts of Key Statements by
Washington, Beijing, and Taipei . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Statements During Nixon Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Henry Kissinger’s Private Meeting with PRC Premier Zhou Enlai . . . 10
Nixon’s Private Talks with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai . . . . . . . . . 10
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique (Shanghai Communique) . . . . . . . . . . 11
Mao on Use of Force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Statements During Ford Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
President Ford’s Address to a Joint Session of Congress . . . . . . . . . 12
Statements During Carter Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
U.S. Statement on Diplomatic Relations Between the United States
and the People’s Republic of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
PRC Statement on Establishing China-U.S. Diplomatic Relations . . . 13
ROC President Chiang Ching-kuo’s Statement on Relations with
the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
PRC’s New Year’s Message to Compatriots in Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . 14
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic
Relations (Normalization Communique) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), P.L. 96-8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Statements During Reagan Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
PRC Leader Ye Jianying’s Nine-Point Proposal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Letter from President Reagan to Vice Chairman Deng Xiaoping . . . . 18
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique on Arms Sales (1982 Communique) . . 18
President Reagan’s Statement on U.S. Arms Sales to Taiwan . . . . . . 19
PRC’s Statement on the Communique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Republic of China’s Statement and the “Six Assurances” . . . . . . . . . 20
Assistant Secretary of State John Holdridge and Six Assurances . . . . 21
PRC Leader Deng Xiaoping on “One China, Two Systems” . . . . . . . 22
Statements During Bush Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Toast at the Welcoming Banquet in Beijing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Taiwan’s Guidelines for National Unification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Taiwan on the Meaning of “One China” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
President Bush on the Sale of F-16s to Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Beijing and Taipei Agree to Disagree on “One China” . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Statements During Clinton Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
PRC Premier Li Peng Warns Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Mainland-Taiwan “Koo-Wang” Talks (Singapore) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Taiwan’s Bid to Gain Parallel Representation at the U.N . . . . . . . . . 27

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PRC’s White Paper on Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Taiwan’s White Paper on Cross-Strait Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Washington’s Taiwan Policy Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
PRC President Jiang Zemin’s “Eight Points” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui’s “Six Point” Response . . . . . . . . . . 31
U.S. Visa For Lee Teng-hui’s Private Visit to Cornell University . . . 32
Clinton’s Secret Letter to Jiang Zemin and “Three Noes” . . . . . . . . . 33
U.S. Department of State and March 1996 Taiwan Strait Tensions . . 33
President Clinton’s Meeting with Japanese Prime Minister . . . . . . . . 34
Secretary of State Christopher on Improving Relations with China . . 34
Taiwan’s First Direct Presidential Election and Inaugural Address . . 35
Taiwan’s Multi-Party National Development Conference . . . . . . . . . 36
President Clinton’s Statements at the 1997 Summit (Washington) . . 36
1997 Clinton-Jiang Summit and Joint U.S.-China Statement . . . . . . . 37
1997 Summit and the State Department on the “Three Noes” . . . . . . 38
1998 Clinton-Jiang Summit in Beijing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
1998 Summit and Clinton’s Statement on the “Three Noes” . . . . . . . 39
Taiwan’s Lee Teng-hui on “One Divided China” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Second “Koo-Wang Talks” (Shanghai) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
U.S. Assistant Secretary Stan Roth on “Interim Agreements” . . . . . . 40
Taiwan’s Lee Teng-hui on “Special State-to-State” Relations . . . . . . 41
President Clinton on the “Three Pillars” of Policy Toward Taiwan . . 42
Taiwan’s Position Paper on “Special State-to-State Relationship” . . 42
Presidents Clinton and Jiang at APEC Meeting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
PRC’s Second Taiwan White Paper and "Three Ifs" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
President Clinton on Resolution with Assent of Taiwan’s People . . . 45
Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian’s Inauguration Speech . . . . . . . . . 45
PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s New Formulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Taiwan President on “Integration” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

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China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China”
Policy – Key Statements from Washington,
Beijing, and Taipei
Part I: U.S. Policy on “One China”
Introduction
Questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee Teng-hui, then-
President of Taiwan (also called the Republic of China (ROC)), characterized cross-
strait relations as “special state-to-state ties” on July 9, 1999. Beijing responded
vehemently with calls for Lee to retract the perceived deviation from the “one China”
policy and reiterated longstanding threats to use force if necessary to prevent a
declaration of independence by Taiwan. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) also
questioned U.S. commitment to the “one China” principle and expressed opposition
to any U.S. military intervention. The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s
statement was not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to
“two Chinas.”1 Some questioned whether U.S. law, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA),
requires U.S. defense of Taiwan against an attack from the People’s Liberation Army
(PLA). Congress paid greater attention to arms sales to Taiwan.
Senator Helms, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, said at a July 21,
1999 hearing that Lee’s statement has “created an opportunity to break free from the
anachronistic, Beijing-inspired one-China policy which has imprisoned U.S. policy
toward China and Taiwan for years.” Representative Gilman, Chairman of the
International Relations Committee, wrote in a September 7, 1999 letter to President
Clinton that it is a “common misperception” that Washington conceded officially that
Beijing is the capital of the “one China” that includes Taiwan. He declared that
“under no circumstances should the United States move toward Beijing’s version of
‘one China’.”2
The purpose of this CRS Report is to discuss the policy on “one China” since the
United States (under the Nixon Administration) began in 1971 to reach
understandings with the PRC government in Beijing. This report also reviews
1 Department of State, Press Briefing by James Rubin, July 15, 1999; Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright’s remarks on visit of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, July 20, 1999.
2 Dalrymple, Mary, “Taiwanese President’s Comment Inspires GOP to Renew Attack on
Clinton’s ‘One China’ Policy,” Congressional Quarterly, July 24, 1999; Letter from
Representative Benjamin Gilman to President Clinton, September 7, 1999.

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CRS-2
comprehensively the evolution of the “one China” principle as it has been articulated
in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.3
Ambiguity in the Key Statements
Four documents stand out among the many U.S. statements on policy concerning
Taiwan: Shanghai Communique of 1972, Normalization Communique of 1979, the
1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) (P.L. 96-8), and August 17, 1982 Communique
on arms sales.4 (See excerpts of these and other statements in Part II.) Despite
apparently consistent formal and private statements over almost three decades, the
“one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different
interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. The idea of “one China” has
been complicated by the co-existence of the PRC government ruling the mainland and
the ROC government on Taiwan since 1949. The political and strategic context of
those key statements has also experienced significant change. Since political reforms
began in 1986, Taiwan became a democracy, with new legitimacy for the government
and greater say by opponents of unification with the PRC. The Tiananmen
crackdown of 1989 in the PRC dramatically proved the limits to liberal change on the
mainland. The original strategic rationale for U.S.-PRC rapprochement faded with
the end of the Cold War.
There are several complicating issues about the language in the statements. First,
“China” in the “one China” principle was not defined in the three joint communiques.
In the Normalization Communique, the United States recognized the PRC
government as the sole legal government of China, but the PRC has never ruled
Taiwan and other islands under the control of the ROC government. Deng
Xiaoping’s 1984 proposal of “one China, two systems” tried to define Taiwan as a
Special Administrative Region under the PRC after unification. On the other hand,
“Taiwan” was defined in Sec. 15(2) of the TRA essentially to be the islands of Taiwan
and the Pescadores, plus the people, entities, and governing authorities there.
Second, there has been disagreement as to whether the Taiwan issue actually was
resolved or determined. President Nixon’s notes from his private talks with PRC
leaders in 1972 indicate that he expressed a U.S. policy that the status of Taiwan “is
determined” to be part of one China. The PRC’s December 1978 statement on
normalization of diplomatic relations with the United States said that the Taiwan
question “has now been resolved between the two countries.” However, the U.S.
statement of December 1978 on normalization stated the expectation that the Taiwan
question “will be settled” peacefully by the Chinese themselves. The TRA also
stipulated the U.S. expectation that the future of Taiwan “will be determined” by
3 For background, see also: CRS Issue Brief IB98034, Taiwan: Recent Developments and
U.S. Policy Choices, updated regularly, by Kerry Dumbaugh, and CRS Report 98-837,
Taiwan: the “Three No’s,” Congressional-Administration Differences, and U.S. Policy
Issues, October 1, 1998, by Robert Sutter.
4 Some observers say that the U.S. position on “one China” goes back more than three
decades. (See for example, Henry Kissinger, “Storm Clouds Gathering,” Washington Post,
September 7, 1999, p. 19.) This CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the
United States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the PRC government in Beijing.

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CRS-3
peaceful means. President Reagan’s 1982 statement on arms sales to Taiwan declared
that “the Taiwan question is a matter for the Chinese people, on both sides of the
Taiwan Strait, to resolve.” Moreover, “settlement” or “resolution” – not stated as
“unification” – of the Taiwan question is left open to be determined by both sides.
Third, the issues of the PRC’s possible use of force, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan,
and possible U.S. defense of Taiwan have remained contentious. Washington has
consistently stated its strong interest that there be a peaceful settlement, but the PRC
has not renounced its claimed sovereign right to use force if necessary. Washington
has not promised to end arms sales to Taiwan, although the Mutual Defense Treaty
of 1954 was terminated in 1980.5 In the surprise announcements of December 1978
on establishing diplomatic relations, the United States stated its interest in a peaceful
resolution, but the PRC countered that Taiwan is China’s internal affair. President
Reagan agreed to the 1982 Communique on reducing U.S. arms sales to Taiwan
provided that the PRC pursues a policy of peaceful unification. Since the early 1990s,
the PLA has built up its missile force and acquired modern arms, especially from
Moscow. The United States has provided for Taiwan’s defense capabilities, including
significant arms sales, and deployed two aircraft carrier battle groups to waters near
Taiwan during the March 1996 missile firings from the PRC.
The 1979 TRA requires the United States to provide defense articles and
services to Taiwan, and to consider with “grave concern” any non-peaceful means to
determine Taiwan’s future. In deciding on that language in 1979, Members of
Congress had discussed whether the wording on U.S. military intentions was clear or
ambiguous. Since the late 1990s, a new debate has arisen over whether ambiguity in
U.S. statements about the U.S. military role continues to serve U.S. interests in a
peaceful outcome.6 Policy issues include whether and how U.S. statements of
intentions might be clarified to specify the conditions under which the U.S. military
will defend Taiwan and the U.S. stance on any actions taken by Taiwan to change its
declared political status.7
Has U.S. Policy Changed?
Apart from questions about the language in the key statements on “one China,”
policy questions have arisen about whether successive Administrations have changed
the U.S. position since 1971. The Clinton Administration, like previous ones,
maintained that U.S. policy has not changed. Some in Congress and others, however,
have contended that U.S. policy has changed in some important areas. The “one
China” policy has evolved to cover three issues: sovereignty, use of force, and cross-
5 According to the treaty, it is terminated one year after notice is given by one side (in 1979).
6 In the 106th Congress, the House International Relations Committee debated this issue of
“ambiguity” and other issues in the markup of H.R. 1838, “Taiwan Security Enhancement
Act,” October 26, 1999.
7 E.g., Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “A Taiwan Deal,” Washington Post, March 8, 1998; Heritage
Foundation and Project for the New American Century, “Statement on the Defense of
Taiwan” by 23 conservatives, including Richard Armitage and Paul Wolfowitz, August 20,
1999; Thomas J. Christensen, “Clarity on Taiwan,” Washington Post, March 20, 2000.

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CRS-4
strait dialogue. (See excerpts of key statements in Part II.) There are issues as to
whether any elements of the “one China” policy should be reviewed for changes.
Sovereignty. The United States did not explicitly state its own position on the
status of Taiwan in the three communiques. In 1972, while still recognizing the ROC,
Washington declared that it “acknowledges” that “all Chinese on both sides of the
Taiwan Strait” maintain that there is one China and Taiwan is a part of China, and that
the United States did not challenge that position. After shifting diplomatic
recognition to the PRC, the United States, in 1979 and 1982, again “acknowledged
the Chinese position”8 of one China and Taiwan is part of China. However, the 1982
communique further stated that the United States has no intention of pursuing a policy
of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan,” while President Reagan’s accompanying
statement said that “the Taiwan question is a matter for the Chinese people, on both
sides of the Taiwan Strait, to resolve.” The TRA did not discuss the “one China”
principle. In 1994, the Clinton Administration stated after its Taiwan Policy Review
that the United States had “acknowledged” the Chinese position on one China and
that “since 1978, each Administration has reaffirmed this policy.” In the May 1995
announcement on granting a visa to Lee Teng-hui to visit Cornell University, the
Clinton Administration stated “the United States also acknowledges the Chinese
position that there is but one China, and Taiwan is a part of China.”
Despite these apparent similarities in U.S. policy statements, some contend that
the U.S. position, since originally formulated in 1972, has adopted the “one China”
principle and shifted closer to that of the PRC’s rather than steadily maintaining
equal distance from Beijing and Taipei. In 1982, Senator Glenn criticized both the
Carter and Reagan Administrations:
The ambiguous formulation agreed upon in the 1979 joint communique went
considerably further in recognizing the PRC’s claim to Taiwan. Although the
word “acknowledged” remained, the object of our acknowledgment shifted
noticeably. We no longer just acknowledged that both Chinas asserted the
principle that there was one China, but instead acknowledged the Chinese position
that there is but one China. By dropping the key phrase “all Chinese on either side
of the Taiwan Strait maintain” one could interpret that we had moved from the
position of neutral bystander noting the existence of a dispute, to a party accepting
the Chinese assertion that there is one China. Clearly, this was the PRC’s
interpretation. ... More recently, Peking’s threats to downgrade relations with the
United States, unless Washington agreed to end all arms sales to Taiwan,
prompted President Reagan to write to China’s Communist Party Chairman, Hu
Yaobang, in May 1982, and assure him that, “Our policy will continue to be based
on the principle that there is but one China. ...” We now assert that it is our
policy, U.S. policy, that there is but one China, and although not stated, indicate
implicitly that Taiwan is a part of that one China. The use of the qualifier
“acknowledged” has been dropped altogether. ... I do not believe that anyone can
dispute that the U.S. policy toward China and Taiwan has changed dramatically
over the last 10 years. Let me reiterate one more time, in 1972, we acknowledged
that the Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintained that there was but
one China. Today it is U.S. policy that there is but one China. Despite this
8 The Chinese text said “recognized China’s position.”

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CRS-5
remarkable shift over time, the State Department, at each juncture, has assured us
that our policy remained essentially unchanged.9
In August 1995 – earlier than public statements showed in 1997 – President
Clinton reportedly sent a secret letter to PRC President Jiang Zemin in which he
stated as the U.S. position that we would (1) “oppose” Taiwan independence, (2)
would not support “two Chinas” or one China and one Taiwan, and (3) would not
support Taiwan’s admission to the United Nations.10 The opposition to Taiwan
independence seemed to go beyond the promises made by former National Security
Advisor Henry Kissinger and President Nixon in 1971 and 1972 of no U.S. support
for Taiwan independence. Later, that wording was apparently changed from
opposition to a more neutral stance of non-support. This letter reportedly formed the
basis of what were later known publicly as the “Three Noes.”
At the 1997 Clinton-Jiang summit in Washington, the two leaders issued a joint
statement which included a U.S. position: “the United States reiterates that it adheres
to its ‘one China’ policy and the principles set forth in the three U.S.-China joint
communiques.” While that joint statement did not include the “Three Noes,” the
Administration decided to have a State Department spokesperson say two days later
that: “we certainly made clear that we have a one-China policy; that we don’t support
a one-China, one-Taiwan policy. We don’t support a two-China policy. We don’t
support Taiwan independence, and we don’t support Taiwanese membership in
organizations that require you to be a member state.” While in China for a summit
in June 1998, President Clinton chose an informal forum to say: “I had a chance to
reiterate our Taiwan policy, which is that we don’t support independence for Taiwan,
or two Chinas, or one Taiwan-one China. And we don’t believe that Taiwan should
be a member in any organization for which statehood is a requirement.”
Some have questioned whether the statement on “Three Noes,” especially as it
was publicly declared by the U.S. President while in the PRC, was a change in U.S.
policy.11 U.S. non-support for a one China, one Taiwan; or two Chinas can be traced
to the private assurances of the Nixon Administration in the early 1970s. However,
the Clinton Administration, beginning with its Taiwan Policy Review of 1994, added
non-support for Taipei’s entry into the United Nations (U.N.), which became an issue
9 Statement of Hon. John Glenn, U.S. Senator from Ohio, on China-Taiwan Policy, July 22,
1982, in: Lester L. Wolff and David L. Simon, Legislative History of the Taiwan Relations
Act (New York: American Association for Chinese Studies, 1982), p. 306-307.
10 Garver, John W., Face Off: China, the United States, and Taiwan’s Democratization
(University of Washington Press, 1997); James Mann, About Face: A History of America’s
Curious Relationship with China, From Nixon to Clinton (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1999).
11 For example: Stephen J. Yates, “Clinton Statement Undermines Taiwan,” Heritage
Foundation, July 10, 1998; Ted Galen Carpenter, “Let Taiwan Defend Itself,” Policy
Analysis, Cato Institute, August 24, 1998; Stephen J. Yates, “Promoting Freedom and
Security in U.S.-Taiwan Policy,” Heritage Foundation, October 13, 1998; James Lilley and
Arthur Waldron, “Taiwan is a ‘State,’ Get Over It,” Wall Street Journal, July 14, 1999;
Harvey J. Feldman, “How Washington Can Defuse Escalating Tensions in the Taiwan Strait,”
Heritage Foundation, August 19, 1999.

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CRS-6
after Taipei launched its bid in 1993. In response to President Clinton’s “Three
Noes,” concerned Members in both the Senate and the House nearly unanimously
passed resolutions in July 1998, reaffirming the U.S. commitment to Taiwan.
The Clinton Administration, nonetheless, argued that the “Three Noes” did not
represent a change in U.S. policy on Taiwan. Testifying before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee on March 25, 1999, Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth
stated that “every point made there [in the “Three Noes”] had been made before by
a previous Administration and there was no change whatsoever.” In a written
response to a question from Senator Helms, Roth cited as precedents for the “Three
Noes” a 1971 statement by Kissinger, a 1972 statement by Nixon, a 1979 statement
by Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher, and President Reagan’s 1982
Communique.
Use of Force. The PRC has never renounced its claimed right to use force in
what it sees as an internal problem and, moreover, has voiced more explicitly and
demonstrated clearly its willingness to adopt a military solution – despite its
announced policy of “peaceful unification” since 1979. Since the early 1990s, the
PRC has purchased modern arms from the Soviet Union/Russia and built up its missile
force.12 In December 1992 and March 1993, PRC President Jiang Zemin and Premier
Li Peng began to warn of having to use “drastic” or “resolute” measures to prevent
Taiwan independence. Then, in 1995-1996, the PRC launched provocative military
exercises, including missile “test-firings,” to intimidate voters in Taiwan.
In February 2000, on the eve of another presidential election in Taiwan, the PRC
issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming the peaceful unification policy
but adding a new precondition for the use of force. As one of “three ifs,”the PRC
officially warned that even if Taiwan indefinitely refuses to negotiate a peaceful
settlement, the PRC would be compelled to use force to achieve unification.
However, no deadline was issued. The White Paper also warned the United States
not to sell arms to Taiwan or pursue any form of alliance with Taiwan, including
cooperation in theater missile defense (TMD).13
As a result, successive Administrations have expressed the consistent U.S. stance
– in increasingly stronger ways – that any resolution of the Taiwan question be
peaceful. Congress passed and President Carter signed the TRA of 1979, adding a
more forceful U.S. commitment and a potential U.S. role in maintaining peace in the
strait. However, the TRA left U.S. involvement somewhat ambiguous. Section
2(b)(4) states that the United States will consider with “grave concern” any non-
peaceful means to determine Taiwan’s future. The TRA also excluded the islands off
the mainland (e.g., Quemoy and Matsu) in its security coverage over Taiwan.
12 See CRS Report 97-391, China: Ballistic and Cruise Missiles, by Shirley A. Kan, and
CRS Report RL30700, China’s Foreign Conventional Arms Acquisitions: Background and
Analysis, October 10, 2000, by Shirley Kan, Christopher Bolkcom, and Ronald O’Rourke.
13 On Congress’ interest in possible TMD sales to Taiwan: CRS Report RL30379, Missile
Defense Options for Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan: A Review of the Defense Department
Report to Congress, November 30, 1999, by Robert D. Shuey and Shirley A. Kan.

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CRS-7
In 1982, President Reagan issued the Joint Communique on reducing arms sales
to Taiwan, but he also stated that U.S. arms sales will continue in accordance with the
TRA and with the full expectation that the PRC’s approach to the resolution of the
Taiwan issue will continue to be peaceful. President Bush decided in September 1992
to sell 150 F-16 fighters to Taiwan, citing concerns about the cross-strait balance.
Deploying two carrier battle groups to waters off Taiwan in March 1996, during the
PRC’s second set of missile firings to intimidate voters in Taiwan, the Clinton
Administration demonstrated that there may be grave consequences, as well as “grave
concern,” to non-peaceful efforts to determine Taiwan’s future.
Despite unofficial relations, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan have been significant.
Arms deliveries to Taiwan (primarily from the United States) totaled $20.6 billion
from 1992-1999, with Taiwan ranking 2nd in the developing world (after Saudi
Arabia).14 Depending on PLA threats to Taiwan, the United States may further
increase arms sales and other defense support to Taiwan and adjust U.S. military
deployments in Asia.15 Moreover, beginning after tensions in the Taiwan Strait in
1996, the Pentagon is said to have quietly expanded the sensitive military relationship
with Taiwan to levels unprecedented since 1979. These broader exchanges reportedly
have increased attention to “software,” including discussions over strategy, military
thinking, and plans in the event of an invasion of Taiwan.16
Cross-Strait Dialogue. President Nixon in 1972, President Carter in 1978,
and President Reagan in 1982 publicly stated the U.S. expectation that the Chinese
themselves will settle the Taiwan question. The Reagan Administration also agreed
to “Six Assurances” with Taiwan in 1982. The assurances included promises that
Washington will not mediate between Taipei and Beijing, and will not pressure Taipei
to negotiate with Beijing. In a March 25, 1999 hearing, Assistant Secretary of State
Stanley Roth assured the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that “the future of
cross-strait relations is a matter for Beijing and Taipei to resolve. No Administration
has taken a position on how or when they should do so.”
As Taipei and Beijing’s economic relationship grew to significant levels by the
early 1990s and the two sides began to talk directly through “unofficial
organizations,” the United States has increasingly voiced its support for the cross-
strait dialogue. Like a bystander, the Clinton Administration said in its Taiwan Policy
Review of 1994 that “the United States applauds the continuing progress in the cross-
14 CRS Report RL30640, Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 1992-1999,
August 18, 2000, by Richard F. Grimmett.
15 Some Members in the 106th Congress supported the “Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.”
Other Members and the Clinton Administration opposed the bill as unnecessary and
provocative in a delicate situation, while saying the Pentagon has exercised the authority under
the TRA to provide arms to and deepen military ties with Taiwan. In addition to supporting
Taiwan’s defense capability, Congress also looked at U.S. military deployments, requiring a
report from the Pentagon on operational planning to implement the TRA (in FY2000
Appropriations legislation, P.L. 106-113).
16 On U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, see: CRS Report RS20365, Taiwan: Annual Arms Sales
Process, October 21, 1999, and CRS Report RS20483, Taiwan: Major U.S. Arms Sales
Since 1990, by Shirley A. Kan.

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CRS-8
strait dialogue.” After talks broke off and military tensions flared, however, the
Clinton Administration, after 1996, privately and publicly urged both sides to hold this
dialogue as an added part of a more proactive U.S. policy. In July 1996, National
Security Advisor Anthony Lake visited China and planned a meeting (later canceled)
with Wang Daohan, head of the PRC’s organization for cross-strait talks. At the
1997 U.S.-PRC summit, President Clinton urged for a peaceful resolution “as soon
as possible” and that “sooner is better than later.”
In March 1999, Assistant Secretary of State Stan Roth publicly raised the
possibility of “interim agreements” between Beijing and Taipei, after several
prominent former Clinton Administration officials made similar proposals.17 In July
1999, the U.S. stance on the cross-strait dialogue culminated in President Clinton’s
articulation of a new phrase: that U.S. policy has “three pillars” (one China, cross-
strait dialogue, and peaceful resolution), a phrase then repeated by other top Clinton
Administration officials, such as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
Policy Issues
In short, since 1971, U.S. Presidents and other top officials – both privately and
publicly – have consistently articulated a “one China” policy in understandings with
the PRC. Nonetheless, policymakers have continued to face unresolved issues, while
17 Roth’s mention of possible “interim agreements” raised concerns in Taipei that it was a
proposal by the Clinton Administration to pressure Taipei into negotiating with Beijing,
according to Taiwan media reports. Roth’s remarks also came in the context of academic
suggestions to reduce cross-strait tensions issued by former or future Clinton Administration
officials. In January 1998, a delegation of former officials led by former Defense Secretary
William Perry visited Beijing and Taipei, reportedly passing a message from the PRC that it
was willing to resume talks with Taiwan. The February 21, 1998 Washington Post reported
that the delegation was part of the Administration’s effort to have a “track two” dialogue with
Beijing and Taipei and to encourage resumption of cross-strait talks. At a February 1998
conference in Taipei, Kenneth Lieberthal (a University of Michigan professor who joined the
National Security Council as the Senior Director for Asian Affairs in August 1998) proposed
a 50-year “interim arrangement” in which the PRC (as “China”) would renounce the use of
force against Taiwan, and the ROC (as “Taiwan, China”) would agree not to declare
independence (Reuters, March 1, 1998). In the March 8, 1998 Washington Post, Joseph Nye
(former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs) proposed a “three-
part package” that would include a clarification that Washington would not recognize or
defend Taiwan independence but also would not accept the use of force against Taiwan, and
a “one country, three systems” approach. Also in March 1998, former National Security
Advisor Anthony Lake visited Taiwan and reportedly encouraged resumption of cross-strait
talks. In Foreign Affairs (July/August 1998), Chas. Freeman (former Assistant Secretary of
Defense for International Security Affairs) urged Washington to encourage Beijing and
Washington to defer negotiations on their long-term relationship for a certain period, such as
50 years, and to reevaluate arms sales to Taiwan. In February-March 1999, Perry led another
delegation, including retired Admiral Joseph Prueher (later nominated in September 1999 to
be ambassador to Beijing), and the group made suggestions to the PRC and Taiwan on how
to reduce cross-strait tensions, according to Notes from the National Committee
(Winter/Spring 1999). On September 5, 1999, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Susan
Shirk mentioned “one country, three systems” as a possible approach for “one China,” Taiwan
media reported.

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CRS-9
the political and strategic context of the policy has changed dramatically since the
early 1970s. Throughout these decades, there have been criticisms, especially from
Congress, that successive Administrations have shifted the U.S. position closer to that
of Beijing’s – on questions of sovereignty, arms sales, or cross-strait dialogue. Yet,
since the 1990s, various Administrations have also increasingly shown stronger
opposition – through arms sales and military deployments – to PRC efforts to use
force to determine Taiwan’s future.
Thus, Congress and the Administration continue to face critical issues under the
rubric of the “one China” policy, including:
! Are current cross-strait political, economic, and military trends in
U.S. interests, and what is the risk of war with U.S. involvement?
! What are probable outcomes (e.g., status quo, unification,
confederation, conflict), and how might U.S. interests be affected?
! What are the strategies and objectives of Beijing and Taipei?
! What should be the degree of diplomatic and military involvement in
the U.S. strategy?
! Should Washington change any elements of policy, including past
assurances to Beijing or Taipei (e.g., “Three Noes,” “Six
Assurances”)?
! Should U.S. policy statements of intentions be clarified (e.g., on U.S.
military intervention, Taipei’s declarations of independence, or
Taiwan’s international participation) and the U.S. role deepened
(e.g., facilitation, mediation) to work towards cross-strait dialogue
or negotiations?
! How should defense policies (e.g., on arms sales, military
cooperation with Taiwan, U.S. military deployments, missile defense)
be carried out to deter conflict and maintain stability?
! How well are U.S. policies coordinated with those of our allies and
friends in Asia?

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CRS-10
Part II: Excerpts of Key Statements by
Washington, Beijing, and Taipei
In Part II below, this CRS Report provides documented excerpts from key
statements on “one China” as articulated by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei, in
addition to the three Communiques and the TRA, since the United States reached
understandings with the PRC in 1971. The selected statements also give a
comprehensive look at significant policy statements and events in Washington,
Beijing, as well as Taipei. This compilation identifies relatively significant statements,
especially those indicating a new element in policy of those governments. The
statements also include authoritative accounts of private presidential assurances on
U.S. policy. The three perspectives on “one China” are placed in chronological order
under successive U.S. Administrations. The actual texts are placed in italics.
Statements During Nixon Administration
Henry Kissinger’s Private Meeting with PRC Premier Zhou Enlai.18
July 9, 1971
National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger told Premier Zhou Enlai that the
United States did not seek “two Chinas, a one-China, one-Taiwan solution, nor an
independent Taiwan.”
Nixon’s Private Talks with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai.
February 22, 1972
Accounts of President Nixon’s secret talk with Chinese Chairman Mao Zedong
and Premier Zhou Enlai during his trip to China in 1972 say that Nixon made
promises on the question of Taiwan that went beyond the communique issued at the
end. In what the Carter Administration later called “Nixon’s Five Points,” Nixon’s
notes said the following.
18 Holdridge, John, Crossing the Divide: An Insider’s Account of Normalization of U.S.-
China Relations (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1997), p. 90. See also: James Mann,
About Face: A History of America’s Curious Relationship with China, From Nixon to
Clinton (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999), p. 33 (citing a declassified chronology from the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) by Richard Solomon, U.S.-PRC Political Negotiations,
1967-84, An Annotated Chronology, December 1985, released to Mann (a Los Angeles Times
reporter) under the Freedom of Information Act). Mann reports that what Kissinger pledged
to Zhou went beyond previous U.S. promises and contradicted the official U.S. position that
sovereignty over Taiwan was “an unsettled question subject to future international resolution.”
At a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on March 25, 1999, Assistant Secretary of
State Stanley Roth also cited Kissinger’s promise as recorded in the CIA’s chronology in his
written response to Senator Helms’ question about precedents for President Clinton’s June
1998 “Three Noes” statement. Also see: Patrick Tyler, A Great Wall (New York:
PublicAffairs, 1999), p. 98.

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CRS-11
Taiwan:
I reiterate what our policy is:
1. Status is determined – one China, Taiwan is part of China –
2. Won’t support Taiwan independence
3. Try [original emphasis] to restrain Japan – [from increasing influence in
Taiwan]
4. Support peaceful resolution
5. Will seek normalization —.19
Also, according to Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth’s March 1999
testimony, Nixon pledged no U.S. support for Taiwan independence (second time
after Kissinger’s 1971 promise):20
We have not and will not support any Taiwan independence movement.
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique (Shanghai Communique).
February 27, 1972
The Chinese reaffirmed its position: The Taiwan question is the crucial question
obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the
Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of
China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the
motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China’s internal affair in which no other
country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must
be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities
which aim at the creation of “one China, one Taiwan,” “one China, two
governments,” “two Chinas,” and “independent Taiwan” or advocate that “the
status of Taiwan remains to be determined.”
The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges21 that all Chinese on
either side of the Taiwan Strait22 maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan
19 Mann, p. 46; Harding, Harry, A Fragile Relationship: The United States and China Since
1972 (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1992), p. 43-44. The full transcripts of Nixon’s
private talks have not been made public. According to Holdridge, Nixon reiterated the
position against an independent Taiwan that Kissinger told Zhou in July 1971.
20 Senate Foreign Relations Committee, hearing on United States-Taiwan Relations: The 20th
Anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act, March 25, 1999, written response to Senator
Helms’ question about precedents for President Clinton’s June 1998 “Three Noes” statement,
citing a Memorandum of Conversation, Tuesday, February 22, 1972, 2:10 pm-6:00 pm
(declassified version).
21 The Chinese text used “ren shi” (“to acknowledge”). The Chinese term was changed in the
1979 communique to “recognize.”
22 Holdridge (p. 89), then a senior staff member for East Asia at the National Security Council
under Henry Kissinger, wrote that “it was helpful that both the CCP [Chinese Communist
Party] and the Kuomintang [(KMT) or Nationalist Party] regarded Taiwan as part of China,
for by accepting this point and affirming our interest in the settlement of the sovereignty
question ‘by the Chinese themselves’ we would affront neither side.” Holdridge (p. 93) also
(continued...)

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CRS-12
is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that position.
It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the
Chinese themselves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate objective of
the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from Taiwan. In the
meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan
as the tension in the area diminishes.
Mao on Use of Force.23
November 12, 1973
As for the question of our relations with Taiwan, that is quite complex. I do not
believe in a peaceful transition. ... They are a bunch of counter-revolutionaries [the
Nationalists on Taiwan]. How could they cooperate with us? I say that we can do
without Taiwan for the time being, and let it come after “100 years.”
Statements During Ford Administration
President Ford’s Address to a Joint Session of Congress.24
August 12, 1974
To the People’s Republic of China, whose legendary hospitality I enjoyed, I
pledge continuity in our commitment to the principles of the Shanghai communique.
The new relationship built on those principles has demonstrated that it serves serious
and objective mutual interests and has become an enduring feature of the world
scene.
22 (...continued)
recounted that the wording of “all Chinese” was originally formulated as “all people,” and the
State Department objected to the word “people,” because some on Taiwan regarded
themselves as “Taiwanese” and did not agree that Taiwan was a part of China.
23 Tyler, p. 172, citing Henry Kissinger, Memorandum of Conversation with Mao Zedong,
Chairman Mao’s residence, November 12, 1973. One year later, in a meeting with Deng
Xiaoping in Beijing, Tyler writes that Kissinger stated his understanding that Mao had said
that the leadership would ultimately have to solve the Taiwan question by force and it could
take 100 years. Deng said that “100 years” was symbolic. Kissinger was concerned about
a military solution to the Taiwan question shortly after U.S.-PRC normalization.
24 Public Papers of the Presidents, Gerald Ford, 1974.

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CRS-13
Statements During Carter Administration
U.S. Statement on Diplomatic Relations Between the United States
and the People’s Republic of China.25
December 15, 1978
As of January 1, 1979, the United States of America recognizes the People’s
Republic of China as the sole legal government of China.
In the future, the American people and the people of Taiwan will maintain
commercial, cultural and other relations without official government representation
and without diplomatic relations. The Administration will seek adjustments to our
laws and regulations to permit the maintenance of commercial, cultural, and other
non-governmental relationships in the new circumstances that will exist after
normalization. The United States is confident that the people of Taiwan face a
peaceful and prosperous future. The United States continues to have an interest in
the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue and expects that the Taiwan issue will be
settled peacefully by the Chinese themselves.
PRC Statement on Establishing China-U.S. Diplomatic Relations.26
December 16, 1978
As is known to all, the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole
legal government of China and Taiwan is a part of China. The question of Taiwan
was the crucial issue obstructing the normalization of relations between China and
the United States. It has now been resolved between the two countries in the spirit
of the Shanghai Communique and through their joint efforts, thus enabling the
normalization of relations so ardently desired by the people of the two countries. As
for the way of bringing Taiwan back to the embrace of the motherland and
reunifying the country, it is entirely China’s internal affair.
25 For full text, see: Harding. In great secrecy, the Carter White House made its final decision
to normalize relations with the PRC. President Carter, along with National Security Advisor
Zbigniew Brzezinski and his aid, Michel Oksenberg, did not consult with Congress nor
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Deputy Secretary Warren Christopher, nor Assistant
Secretary Richard Holbrooke on the timing and final wording of the communique. Secretary
Vance and Congress were surprised to be informed hours before the December 15, 1978
announcement. See: Patrick Tyler, “The (Ab)normalization of U.S.-Chinese Relations,”
Foreign Affairs, September/October 1999; Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1983); Robert G. Sutter (CRS), “Executive-Legislative Consultations on China
Policy, 1978-79,” Foreign Affairs Committee Print, June 1980.
26 “Statement of the Government of the People’s Republic of China in Connection with the
Establishment of China-U.S. Diplomatic Relations,” printed in Harding.

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CRS-14
ROC President Chiang Ching-kuo’s Statement on Relations with the
United States.27
December 29, 1978
The Republic of China is an independent sovereign state with a legitimately
established government based on the Constitution of the Republic of China. It is an
effective government, which has the wholehearted support of her people. The
international status and personality of the Republic of China cannot be changed
merely because of the recognition of the Chinese Communist regime by any country
of the world. The legal status and international personality of the Republic of China
is a simple reality which the United States must recognize and respect.
PRC’s New Year’s Message to Compatriots in Taiwan.28
January 1, 1979
Taiwan has been an inalienable part of China since ancient times. ... Taiwan’s
separation from the motherland for nearly 30 years has been artificial and against
our national interests and aspirations, and this state of affairs must not be allowed
to continue. ...
Unification of China now fits in with the direction of popular feeling and the
general trend of development. The world in general recognizes only one China, with
the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government. The
recent conclusion of the China-Japan Treaty of Peace and Friendship and the
normalization of relations between China and the United States show still more
clearly that no one can stop this trend. ...
We place great hopes on the 17 million people on Taiwan and also the Taiwan
authorities. The Taiwan authorities have always taken a firm stand of one China and
opposed an independent Taiwan. This is our common stand and the basis for our
cooperation. ...
The Chinese Government has ordered the People’s Liberation Army [PLA] to
stop the bombardment of Quemoy and other islands as of today. A state of military
confrontation between the two sides still exists along the Taiwan Strait. This can
only create artificial tension. We hold that first of all this military confrontation
should be ended through discussion between the Government of the People’s
27 “President Chiang Ching-kuo’s Five Principles on U.S.-ROC Relations in the Post-
Normalization Period,” December 29, 1978, printed in Martin L. Lasater, The Taiwan Issue
in Sino-American Strategic Relations (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984). Lasater notes that
Chiang informed U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher that future U.S.-ROC
ties must rest on five underlying principles of reality, continuity, security, legality, and
governmentality. The statement was summarized by James Soong, Deputy-Director of the
ROC’s Government Information Office.
28 “Text of NPC Standing Committee Message to Taiwan Compatriots,” New China News
Agency, December 31, 1978, in FBIS, January 2, 1979. This policy of “unification” replaced
the earlier one of “liberation” of Taiwan. The PRC later elaborated on this policy of peaceful
unification in Marshal Ye Jianying’s “Nine-Point Proposal” of September 30, 1981.

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CRS-15
Republic of China and the Taiwan authorities so as to create the necessary
prerequisites and a secure environment for the two sides to make contacts and
exchanges in whatever area. ...
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic
Relations (Normalization Communique).
January 1, 1979
The United States of America recognizes the Government of the People’s
Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China. Within this context, the
people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial
relations with the people of Taiwan.
The Government of the United States of America acknowledges29 the Chinese30
position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China.
Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), P.L. 96-8.
Enacted April 10, 1979
Section 2(b) It is the policy of the United States
(1) to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural,
and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on
Taiwan, as well as the people on the China mainland and all other peoples of the
Western Pacific area;
(2) to declare that peace and stability in the area are in the political, security,
and economic interests of the United States, and are matters of international
concern;
(3) to make clear that the United States decision to establish diplomatic
relations with the People’s Republic of China rests upon the expectation that the
future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means;
(4) to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than
peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and
security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States;31
29 In the Chinese text, the word for “acknowledge” is “cheng ren” (recognize), a change from
“ren shi” (acknowledge), used in the 1972 Shanghai Communique. During debate on the
TRA in February 1979, Sen. Javits noted the difference and said that “it is very important that
we not subscribe to [the Chinese position on one China] either way.” Deputy Secretary of
State Warren Christopher responded that “we regard the English text as being the binding
text. We regard the word ‘acknowledge’ as being the word that is determinative for the U.S.”
See Wolff and Simon, p. 310-311.
30 Instead of the phrase “all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait” in the 1972 Shanghai
communique, the 1979 Normalization communique used “the Chinese position” (in the
English text) and “China’s position” (in the Chinese text).
31 On this language in the TRA, the House report and statements of key Members of Congress
(such as Rep. Zablocki, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee) clarified the
expectation that there would be a “prompt response” by the United States to a use of force
against Taiwan, but the TRA would not specify in advance what the situation or response
(continued...)

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CRS-16
(5) to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character; and
(6) to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or
other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic
system, of the people on Taiwan.
Sec. 3(a) In furtherance of the policy set forth in section 2 of this Act, the
United States will make available to Taiwan such defense articles and defense
services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability.
(b) The President and the Congress shall determine the nature and quantity of
such defense articles and services based solely upon their judgment of the needs of
Taiwan, in accordance with procedures established by law. Such determination of
Taiwan’s defense needs shall include review by United States military authorities in
connection with recommendations to the President and the Congress.
(c) The President is directed to inform the Congress promptly of any threat to
the security or the social or economic system of the people on Taiwan and any
danger to the interests of the United States arising therefrom. The President and the
Congress shall determine, in accordance with constitutional processes, appropriate
action by the United States in response to any such danger.
Sec. 4(b)(1) Whenever the laws of the United States refer or relate to foreign
countries, nations, states, governments, or similar entities, such terms shall include
and such laws shall apply with respect to Taiwan.
Sec. 15(2) The term “Taiwan” includes, as the context may require, the islands
of Taiwan and the Pescadores,32 the people on those islands, corporations and other
entities and associations created or organized under the laws applied on those
islands, and the governing authorities on Taiwan recognized by the United States as
the Republic of China prior to January 1, 1979, and any successor governing
authorities (including political subdivisions, agencies, and instrumentalities thereof).
31 (...continued)
might be. Members also stated the expectation that the President would promptly inform
Congress of anticipated dangers to Taiwan, and the President and the Congress would both
determine the appropriate U.S. response according to the Constitution. Some Members, such
as Rep. Dodd, considered the language on “grave concern” to be “strong” and
“unambiguous,” but Rep. Quayle noted that “of grave concern” is a “very ambiguous term
we read every day in the newspapers.” Thus, he added language that became section 2(b)(6)
of the TRA. See: Wolff and Simon, p. 77-91.
32 Congress considered the security implications for the United States of whether the definition
of “Taiwan” includes the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu (only several miles off the
mainland coast). The House report (p. 16) on the TRA noted that the definitions are
“illustrative, not limiting.” Nonetheless, Rep. Zablocki (chairman of the House Foreign
Affairs Committee) explained that his committee had excluded Quemoy and Matsu from the
definition. He pointed out that these islands had been “deliberately left out of the mutual
defense treaty,” and “we should not be expanding the U.S. security commitment beyond what
was in the treaty.” He noted that “Quemoy and Matsu are considered by both Taipei and by
Peking to be part of mainland China.” He concluded that “as far as the reference in the
committee report is concerned, it does not extend our security commitment in its referral to
Quemoy and Matsu.” (Wolff and Simon, p. 282-283.)

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CRS-17
Statements During Reagan Administration
PRC Leader Ye Jianying’s Nine-Point Proposal.33
September 30, 1981
Now, I would take this opportunity to elaborate on the policy concerning the
return of Taiwan to the motherland for the realization of peaceful unification
[proclaimed on New Year’s Day 1979]:
1.
In order to bring an end to the unfortunate separation of the Chinese nation as
early as possible, we propose that talks be held between the Communist Party
of China and the Kuomintang [Nationalist Party] of China on a reciprocal
basis so that the two parties will cooperate for the third time to accomplish the
great cause of national unification. The two sides may first send people to meet
for an exhaustive exchange of views.
2.
It is the urgent desire of the people of all nationalities on both sides of the strait
to communicate with each other, reunite with their relatives, develop trade and
increase mutual understanding. We propose that the two sides make
arrangements to facilitate the exchange of mail, trade, air and shipping
services, and visits by relatives and tourists as well as academic, cultural, and
sports exchanges, and reach an agreement thereupon.
3.
After the country is reunified, Taiwan can enjoy a high degree of autonomy as
a special administration region, and it can retain its armed forces. The central
government will not interfere with local affairs in Taiwan.
4.
Taiwan’s current socio-economic system will remain unchanged, so will its way
of life and its economic and cultural relations with foreign countries. There
will be no encroachment on the proprietary rights and lawful right of
inheritance over private property, houses, land and enterprises, or on foreign
investments.
5.
People in authority and representative personages of various circles in Taiwan
may take up posts of leadership in national political bodies and participate in
running the state.
6.
When Taiwan’s local finance is in difficulty, the central government may
subsidize it as is fit for the circumstances.
33 “Ye Jianying Explains Policy Concerning Return of Taiwan to Motherland and Peaceful
Unification,” Xinhua [New China News Agency], September 30, 1981, in FBIS. According
to the Chinese report, Ye spoke as the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National
People’s Congress (the PRC’s legislature). However, Ye enjoyed significant stature in the
Chinese leadership largely because he was a Marshal, the highest rank in the PLA. Harding
(p. 113, 155) wrote that Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang later described the plan to President
Reagan at a meeting in Cancun in October 1981, seeking reductions in and an end to U.S.
arms sales to Taiwan.

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CRS-18
7.
For people of all nationalities and public figures of various circles in Taiwan
who wish to come and settle on the mainland, it is guaranteed that proper
arrangements will be made for them, that there will be no discrimination
against them, and that they will have the freedom of entry and exit.
8.
Industrialists and businessmen in Taiwan are welcome to invest and engage in
various economic undertakings on the mainland, and their legal rights,
interests, and profits are guaranteed.
9.
The unification of the motherland is the responsibility of all Chinese. We
sincerely welcome people of all nationalities, public figures of all circles, and
all mass organizations in Taiwan to make proposals and suggestions regarding
affairs of state through various channels and in various ways.
Taiwan’s return to the embrace of the motherland and the accomplishment of
the great cause of national unification is a great and glorious mission history has
bequeathed on our generation. ... We hope that the Kuomintang authorities will stick
to their one-China position and their opposition to “two Chinas” and that they will
put national interests above everything else, forget previous ill will and join hands
with us in accomplishing the great cause of national unification and the great goal
of making China prosperous and strong, so as to win glory for our ancestors, bring
benefit to our posterity, and write a new and glorious page in the history of the
Chinese nation!
Letter from President Reagan to Vice Chairman Deng Xiaoping.34
April 5, 1982
Clearly, the Taiwan issue had been a most difficult problem between our
governments. ... The United States firmly adheres to the positions agreed upon in
the Joint Communique on the establishment of diplomatic relations between the
United States and China. There is only one China. We will not permit the unofficial
relations between the American people and the people of Taiwan to weaken our
commitment to this principle.
U.S.-PRC Joint Communique on Arms Sales (1982 Communique).35
August 17, 1982
In the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations on
January 1, 1979, issued by the Government of the United States of America and the
Government of the People’s Republic of China, the United States of America
recognized the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal
government of China, and it acknowledged the Chinese position36 that there is but
one China and Taiwan is part of China.
34 Printed in Lasater.
35 Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan.
36 The Chinese text says that the United States “recognized” (“cheng ren”) “China’s”
(“zhongguo de”) position, repeating the formulation of the 1979 communique.

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CRS-19
The question of United States arms sales to Taiwan was not settled in the course
of negotiations between the two countries on establishing diplomatic relations.
The Chinese government reiterates that the question of Taiwan is China’s
internal affair. The Message to the Compatriots in Taiwan issued by China on
January 1, 1979, promulgated a fundamental policy of striving for peaceful
unification of the Motherland. The Nine-Point Proposal put forward by China on
September 30, 1981 represented a further major effort under this fundamental policy
to strive for a peaceful solution to the Taiwan question.
The United States Government attaches great importance to its relations with
China, and reiterates that it has no intention of infringing on Chinese sovereignty
and territorial integrity, or interfering in China’s internal affairs, or pursuing a
policy of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”37 The United States
Government understands and appreciates the Chinese policy of striving for a
peaceful resolution of the Taiwan question as indicated in China’s Message to
Compatriots in Taiwan issued on January 1, 1979 and the Nine-Point Proposal put
forward by China on September 30, 1981. The new situation which has emerged
with regard to the Taiwan question also provides favorable conditions for the
settlement of United States-China differences over the question of United States arms
sales to Taiwan.
Having in mind the foregoing statements of both sides, the United States
Government states that it does not seek to carry out a long-term policy of arms sales
to Taiwan, that its arms sales to Taiwan will not exceed, either in qualitative or in
quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in recent years since the establishment
of diplomatic relations between the United States and China, and that it intends to
reduce gradually its sales of arms to Taiwan, leading over a period of time to a final
resolution. In so stating, the United States acknowledges China’s consistent position
regarding the thorough settlement of this issue.
President Reagan’s Statement on U.S. Arms Sales to Taiwan.38
August 17, 1982
Regarding future U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, our policy, set forth clearly in the
communique [issued on the same day], is fully consistent with the Taiwan Relations
Act. Arms sales will continue in accordance with the act and with the full
expectation that the approach of the Chinese Government to the resolution of the
Taiwan issue will continue to be peaceful. We attach great significance to the
Chinese statement in the communique regarding China’s “fundamental” policy, and
it is clear from our statements that our future actions will be conducted with this
peaceful policy fully in mind. The position of the United States Government has
37 In response to a question at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing of March 25,
1999, Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth cited this phrase as a precedent for President
Clinton’s June 1998 statement in China that the United States does not support Taiwan
independence, as part of the “Three Noes.”
38 “Statement on United States Arms Sales to Taiwan,” August 17, 1982, Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan.

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CRS-20
always been clear and consistent in this regard. The Taiwan question is a matter for
the Chinese people, on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, to resolve. We will not
interfere in this matter or prejudice the free choice of, or put pressure on, the people
of Taiwan in this matter. At the same time, we have an abiding interest and concern
that any resolution be peaceful. I shall never waver from this fundamental position.
PRC’s Statement on the Communique.39
August 17, 1982
In the joint communique, the Chinese Government reiterates in clear-cut terms
its position that “the question of Taiwan is China’s internal affair.” The U.S. side
also indicates that it has no intention of infringing on Chinese sovereignty and
territorial integrity, or interfering in China’s internal affairs, or pursuing a policy
of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”
Republic of China’s Statement and the “Six Assurances”.40
August 17, 1982
On July 14, 1982, the U.S. side, through appropriate channels, made the
following points known to the Republic of China that the U.S. side:
1.
Has not agreed to set a date for ending arms sales to the Republic of China;
2.
Has not agreed to hold prior consultations with the Chinese Communists on
arms sales to the Republic of China;
3.
Will not play any mediation role between Taipei and Peiping [Beijing];
4.
Has not agreed to revise the Taiwan Relations Act;
5.
Has not altered its position regarding sovereignty over Taiwan;41
6.
Will not exert pressure on the Republic of China to enter into negotiations with
the Chinese Communists.
39 Harding.
40 Harding.
41 Holdridge (p. 232) confirms that Taiwan had concerns about U.S.-PRC negotiations on a
joint communique and “indirectly” passed “six points” to him to accept and pass on to the
U.S. Congress. According to Holdridge, the Reagan Administration agreed to the six points,
and he informed the Congress on or about July 27, 1982. He writes that the U.S. position
regarding sovereignty of Taiwan was that “while we would continue to regard Taiwan as part
of China, the question of unification would be left to the Chinese themselves, with our only
stipulation being that unification be by peaceful means.” In this account, points 5 and 6 are
combined as point 5, and point 6 is that “the United States would not formally recognize
China’s sovereignty over Taiwan.”

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CRS-21
Assistant Secretary of State John Holdridge and Six Assurances.42
August 18, 1982
[On the August 17, 1982, communique], let me recapitulate and emphasize a
few key features; then I’ll take your questions. First, the document must be read as
a whole, since the policies it sets forth are interrelated [original emphasis].
Second, as I have previously noted, the communique contains a strong Chinese
statement that its fundamental policy is to seek to resolve the Taiwan question by
peaceful means (Para 4) [original emphasis]. ...
Third, the U.S. statements concerning future arms sales to Taiwan (Para 6)
are based on China’s statements as to its fundamental peaceful policy for seeking
a resolution to the Taiwan question and on the “new situation” created by those
statements (Para 5) [original emphasis]. ...
Fourth, we did not agree to set a date certain for ending arms sales to Taiwan
and the statements of future U.S. arms sales policy embodied in the Communique do
not provide either a time frame for reductions of U.S. arms sales or for their
termination. ...We see no mediation role for the U.S. nor will we attempt to exert
pressure on Taiwan to enter into negotiations with the PRC. ... There has been no
change in our long-standing position on the issue of sovereignty over Taiwan. The
communique (Para 1) in its opening paragraph simply cites that portion of the joint
communique on the establishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and the
P.R.C. in which the U.S. “acknowledged the Chinese position on this issue” (i.e.,
that there is but one China and Taiwan is a part of China). ... It has been reported
in the press that the Chinese at one point suggested that the Taiwan Relations Act
be revised. We have no plans to seek any such revisions. ... [Para 9] should not be
read to imply that we have agreed to engage in prior consultations with Beijing on
arms sales to Taiwan. [original emphasis]
42 U.S. House, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Hearing on China-Taiwan: United States
Policy, “Prepared Statement of Hon. John H. Holdridge, Assistant Secretary of State for East
Asian and Pacific Affairs,” August 18, 1982.

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CRS-22
PRC Leader Deng Xiaoping on “One China, Two Systems”.43
February 22, 1984
There are many disputes in the world that always require solutions. I have had
the belief for many years that, no matter what solutions are used to solve these
problems, don’t use means of war, but use peaceful ways. Our proposal for
unification between the mainland and Taiwan is fair and reasonable. After
unification, Taiwan will still be allowed to engage in its capitalism, while the
mainland implements socialism, but there will be one unified China. One China, two
systems. The Hong Kong problem will also be treated the same: one China, two
systems.44
Statements During Bush Administration
Toast at the Welcoming Banquet in Beijing.45
February 25, 1989
We remain firmly committed to the principles set forth in those three joint
communiques that form the basis of our relationship. And based on the bedrock
principle that there is but one China, we have found ways to address Taiwan
constructively without rancor. We Americans have a long, historical friendship with
Chinese people everywhere. In the last few years, we’ve seen an encouraging
expansion of family contacts and travel and indirect trade and other forms of
peaceful interchange across the Taiwan Strait, reflecting the interests of the Chinese
people themselves. And this trend, this new environment, is consistent with
America’s present and longstanding interest in a peaceful resolution of the
differences by the Chinese themselves.
43 Deng’s talk on “A New Way to Stabilize the World Situation,” translated from Deng
Xiaoping Lun Guofang He Jundui Jianshe [Deng Xiaoping Discusses National Defense and
Military Construction], Junshi Kexue Chubanshe [Military Science Press], May 1992.
During PRC-British talks on the future of Hong Kong, Deng conveyed his proposal for a “one
country, two systems” formula in a meeting with former U.S. National Security Advisor
Zbigniew Brzezinski, who visited China as part of a delegation from Georgetown University’s
Center for Strategic and International Studies. The meeting and Deng’s decision of “effecting
two systems within one country” was reported in Wen Wei Po (a PRC newspaper in Hong
Kong), February 24, 1984; translated in FBIS, February 28, 1984. Deng’s formula has been
often translated as “one country, two systems,” rather than “one China, two systems.”
44 Mann (p. 153-154) writes that after the conclusion of negotiations over Hong Kong, Deng
launched a secret, intensive effort to settle with the Reagan Administration on the future of
Taiwan. When British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher signed the Hong Kong agreement
in December 1984, Deng passed a message through her to Reagan, asking that the same
formula of “one country, two systems” be applied to Taiwan. However, the message was not
conveyed, but some Americans lobbied for the proposal. In the end, the Administration
decided not to settle on Taiwan’s future.
45 Public Papers of the Presidents, George Bush.

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CRS-23
Taiwan’s Guidelines for National Unification.46
March 14, 1991
[Unification is] to establish a democratic, free, and equitably prosperous
China. ... It should be achieved in gradual phases under the principles of reason,
peace, parity, and reciprocity. ... [In the short term,] to enhance understanding
through exchanges between the two sides of the Strait and eliminate hostility through
reciprocity; and to establish a mutually benign relationship by not endangering each
other’s security and stability while in the midst of exchanges and not denying the
other’s existence as a political entity while in the midst of effecting reciprocity.
Taiwan on the Meaning of “One China”.47
August 1, 1992
Both sides of the Taiwan Strait agree that there is only one China. However,
the two sides of the Strait have different opinions as to the meaning of “one China.”
To Peking, “one China” means the “People’s Republic of China (PRC),” with
Taiwan to become a “Special Administration Region” after unification. Taipei, on
the other hand, considers “one China” to mean the Republic of China (ROC),
founded in 1911 and with de jure sovereignty over all of China. The ROC, however,
currently has jurisdiction only over Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu. Taiwan
is part of China, and the Chinese mainland is part of China as well.
President Bush on the Sale of F-16s to Taiwan.48
September 2, 1992
I’m announcing this afternoon that I will authorize the sale to Taiwan of 150
F-16A/B aircraft, made right here in Fort Worth. ... This sale of F-16s to Taiwan
will help maintain peace and stability in an area of great concern to us, the Asia-
46 Text published in: Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China,
“Consensus Formed at the National Development Conference on Cross-Strait Relations,”
February 1997. The Guidelines were adopted by the National Unification Council on
February 23, 1991, and by the Executive Yuan (Cabinet) on March 14, 1991. These
guidelines asserted the principle of “one China, two political entities,” recognized the PRC’s
jurisdiction over the mainland, and called for eventual unification on the basis on “parity”
between the two sides. Then, on May 1, 1991, Taiwan terminated the 1948 National
Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion, thus ending the civil war against
the Communists and recognizing the political authority of the PRC on the mainland.
47 Text published in: Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China,
“Consensus Formed at the National Development Conference on Cross-Strait Relations,”
February 1997. “The Meaning of `One China’” was adopted by the National Unification
Council.
48 Remarks to General Dynamics Employees in Fort Worth, Texas, September 2, 1992,
Administration of George Bush, 1992 (Public Papers of the Presidents). In addition to this
arms sale decision, the Bush Administration also broke new ground in high-level exchanges
with Taiwan. Visiting Taiwan from November 30 to December 3, 1992, U.S. Trade
Representative Carla Hills was the first cabinet member to do so since U.S. recognition of the
PRC in 1979.

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CRS-24
Pacific region, in conformity with our law. In the last few years, after decades of
confrontation, great strides have been made in reducing tensions between Taipei and
Beijing. During this period, the United States has provided Taiwan with sufficient
defensive capabilities to sustain the confidence it needs to reduce those tensions.
That same sense of security has underpinned Taiwan’s dramatic evolution toward
democracy.
My decision today does not change the commitment of this Administration and
its predecessors to the three communiques with the People’s Republic of China. We
keep our word: our one-China policy, our recognition of the PRC as the sole
legitimate government of China. I’ve always stressed that the importance of the
1982 communique on arms sales to Taiwan lies in its promotion of common political
goals: peace and stability in the area through mutual restraint.
Beijing and Taipei Agree to Disagree on “One China”.
November 16, 1992
PRC’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS): At this
working-level consultation in Hong Kong, SEF representatives suggested that each
side use respective verbal announcements to state the one China principle. On
November 3rd, SEF sent a letter to ARATS, formally notifying that “each side will
make respective statements through verbal announcements.” ARATS fully respects
and accepts SEF’s suggestion.49
Taiwan’s Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF): Peking has agreed to a Taipei
proposal that both sides “orally state” their respective “one China” positions. ...
Though both sides of the Taiwan Strait insist on the “one China” principle in the
process of joining efforts to pursue national unification, they have different
understandings about the substance of “one China.” ...50
49 Renmin Ribao (People’s Daily), Beijing, November 6, 1992. Also, at an October 18, 1998
press conference after Politburo Member and Vice Premier Qian Qichen met with visiting SEF
Chairman Koo Chen-fu, Tang Shubei, ARATS executive vice chairman, cited the letter sent
from ARATS to SEF on November 16, 1992. Tang repeated what ARATS said: “Both sides
of the strait stick to the ‘one China’ principle and will strive to pursue national unification.
However, negotiations on routine matters across the strait do not involve the political meaning
of one China,” according to Xinhua Hong Kong Service, October 18, 1998, translated in
FBIS.
50 “Straits Group Agrees to State Positions ‘Orally’,” Central News Agency, Taipei,
November 18, 1992, in FBIS, November 18, 1992.

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CRS-25
Statements During Clinton Administration
PRC Premier Li Peng Warns Taiwan.51
March 15, 199352
We advocate that both sides hold talks as soon as possible on bringing hostility
between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait to an end and gradually fulfilling peaceful
unification. ... The forces advocating Taiwan independence on and off the island
have resurged in recent years. Certain international forces have also deliberately
created obstacles to impede China’s peaceful unification. They cannot but arouse
serious concern by the Chinese Government and all the Chinese people. We are
resolutely opposed to any form of two China’s or one China and one Taiwan; and
we will take all necessary drastic measures to stop any activities aimed at making
Taiwan independent and splitting the motherland.
Mainland-Taiwan “Koo-Wang” Talks (Singapore).53
April 27-29, 1993
PRC (Wang Daohan): There are many questions that need to be solved because
contacts between the two sides of the strait began only after a separation of more
than 40 years. We have said repeatedly that as long as both sides sit down to talk,
we can discuss any question. Proper methods for solving problems will be found as
long as the two organizations observe the spirit of mutual respect, consult on equal
footing, seek truth from facts, and seek common ground while reserving differences.54
51 PRC Premier Li Peng, Government Work Report to the First Session of the 8th National
People’s Congress, Beijing, Central Television Program, March 15, 1993; translated in FBIS,
March 15, 1993. According to analysis by FBIS Trends (March 31, 1993), by saying “both
sides” (not the Communist Party and the Nationalist Party), Li changed the formulation in his
report from previous years, signaling greater PRC concern about pro-independence activities
in Taiwan and urgency to hold unification talks, “as soon as possible.” The analysis also
noted that, when warning of “all necessary drastic measures,” Li echoed the “unusually harsh
language” used by General Secretary Jiang Zemin in December 1992. According to Beijing
Review (January 4-10, 1993), Jiang warned that Beijing would take “resolute measures” to
prevent Taiwan independence, while reiterating a policy of peaceful unification.
52 PRC concern apparently increased after the first fully democratic legislative election was
held in Taiwan on December 19, 1992. The ruling Nationalist Party won 96 out of 161 seats,
while the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) gained 50 seats. The DPP has advocated a
“Republic of Taiwan,” instead of “Republic of China.”
53 Mainland Chinese and Taiwan authorities held their first talks and signed their first
agreements since 1949. Represented by “authorized nongovernmental organizations,” the
PRC’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) and Taiwan’s Straits
Exchange Foundation (SEF) met in Singapore and agreed to institutionalize contacts.
ARATS Chairman Wang Daohan and SEF Chairman Koo Chen-fu agreed that the talks were
not political, but were nongovernmental, economic, practical, and functional.
54 Xinhua (New China News Agency), Beijing, April 27, 1993, translated in FBIS, April 27,
1993.

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CRS-26
Taiwan (Koo Chen-fu): There exist not only the same geographical, historical,
and cultural origins between the two sides, but also a “blood is thicker than water”
sentiment shared by our people. President Lee Teng-hui’s proclamation that:
“Taiwan’s relationship with the entire Chinese people cannot be severed” could not
have said it more clearly.55
Taiwan: The subjects discussed in the Koo-Wang Talks were planned by the
government in accord with the goals of the short-term phase in the Guidelines for
National Unification. ... The Koo-Wang Talks were obviously in no way political.
... During the talks, SEF delegates steadfastly upheld the principle of parity in such
matters as meeting procedures, conference site, seating, as well as the topics and
scope of discussion. This made it impossible for the other side to slight the fact that
the ROC is an equal political entity.56
55 Dr. Koo’s Arrival Address at Singapore Airport, April 26, 1993, “A Resume of the Koo-
Wang Talks,” Straits Exchange Foundation, December 1993.
56 Mainland Affairs Council, ROC, “Our Views on the Koo-Wang Talks,” May 1993.

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CRS-27
Taiwan’s Bid to Gain Parallel Representation at the U.N.57
August-September 199358
[In 1991], we accepted the fact that the nation was divided and that, prior to
the unification of China, the political authority of both the ROC government and the
Chinese communists exist. Both the ROC government and the Chinese communists
exercise political authority in the areas under their de facto control. Each is entitled
to represent the residents of the territory under its de facto control and to participate
in the activities of the international community. ... It is now the fixed policy and goal
of the government and the opposition parties in the ROC to participate in the United
Nations. ...
PRC’s White Paper on Taiwan.59
August 31, 1993
There is only one China in the world, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China,
and the seat of China’s central government is in Beijing. This is a universally
recognized fact as well as the premise for a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan
question. The Chinese government is firmly against any words or deeds designed to
split China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. It opposes “two Chinas,” “one
China, one Taiwan,” “one country, two governments,” or any attempt or act that
could lead to “independence of Taiwan.” The Chinese people on both sides of the
strait all believe that there is only one China and espouse national unification.
Taiwan’s status as an inalienable part of China has been determined and cannot be
changed. “Self-determination” for Taiwan is out of the question.
57 Jason Hu, Director General of the ROC’s Government Information Office, “The Case For
Taipei’s U.N. Representation,” speech at the Atlantic Council on September 17, 1993. See
also, Fredrick F. Chien, (ROC Foreign Minister),”UN Should Welcome Taiwan,” Far
Eastern Economic Review, August 5, 1993; “Divided China in the United Nations: Time for
Parallel Representation” (advertisement), New York Times, September 17, 1993. According
to Hu, Taiwan’s bid was submitted in a letter sent by seven South American countries to the
U.N. Secretary General on August 6, 1993. He also said that the bid included flexibility on
the name to use at the U.N.
58 On April 27-29, 1993, the landmark “Koo-Wang” talks had been held in Singapore between
Koo Chen-fu (chairman of Taiwan’s Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF)) and Wang Daohan
(chairman of the PRC’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS)), the
first meeting between the heads of the two organs set up for cross-strait dialogue. Later in
1993, according to Mann (p. 290), the State Department drafted a policy review to restore
high-level dialogue with Beijing and submitted it to the White House in July 1993. As part
of the new policy of engagement toward China, President Clinton invited PRC President Jiang
Zemin to attend the first summit of leaders in the Asia Pacific Economic (APEC) Forum in
Seattle, Washington, in November 1993. The Far Eastern Economic Review (October 7,
1993) reported that Taipei was unhappy that Washington agreed with Beijing that Taiwan,
despite its status in APEC equal to other members, would not be represented by Lee Teng-hui,
but by Vincent Siew, head of economic planning.
59 “The Taiwan Question and the Unification of China,” Xinhua [New China News Agency],
August 31, 1993, translated in FBIS, September 1, 1993.

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CRS-28
Peaceful unification is a set policy of the Chinese Government. However, any
sovereign state is entitled to use any means it deems necessary, including military
ones, to uphold its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Chinese Government
is under no obligation to undertake any commitment to any foreign power or people
intending to split China as to what means it might use to handle its own domestic
affairs.
It should be pointed out that the Taiwan question is purely an internal affair of
China and bears no analogy to the cases of Germany and Korea which were brought
about as a result of international accords at the end of the Second World War.
Taiwan’s White Paper on Cross-Strait Relations.60
July 5, 1994
It is an incontrovertible historical fact that the ROC has always been an
independent sovereign state in the international national community since its
founding in 1912. However, relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are
not those between two separate countries, neither are they purely domestic in nature.
In order to ensure that cross-strait relations develop toward benign interaction, the
ROC government has formulated the concept of a “political entity” to serve as the
basis of interaction between the two sides. The term “political entity” has extensive
meaning, it can refer to a country, a government, or a political organization. At the
current stage of cross-Strait interaction, only when we set aside the “sovereignty
dispute” will we untie the knots that have bound us for more than the past 40 years
and progress smoothly toward unification. ...
The ROC Government is firm in its advocacy of “one China” and is opposed
to “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.” But at the same time, given that
division and divided rule on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait is a long-standing
political fact, the ROC Government also holds that the two sides should be fully
aware that each has jurisdiction over its respective territory and that they should
coexist as two legal entities in the international arena. As for their relationship with
each other, it is that of two separate areas of one China and is therefore “domestic”
or “Chinese” in nature. ...
The ROC Government takes “one China, two equal political entities” as the
structure for handling cross-strait relations and hopes that cross-strait relations will
develop in the direction of being peaceful, pragmatic, and sensible. .. The CPC
[Communist Party of China] should dismiss any misgivings it has concerning the
ROC Government’s determination to achieve unification. What the CPC authorities
should give urgent consideration to is how, given the fact that the country is divided
under two separate governments, we can actively create favorable conditions for
unification and gradually bring the two different “political entities” together to form
“one China.” ... At the same time, the Chinese people cannot strive for unification
just for the sake of unification; instead, unification should be realized under a
reasonable and benign political, economic, and social system and way of living.
60 Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan (Cabinet), Republic of China, “Explanation of
Relations Across the Taiwan Strait,” July 5, 1994, translated in FBIS, July 11, 1994.

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Therefore, we hold that the two sides of the strait should go all out to build a
democratic, free, equally wealthy, and united China. ...
Washington’s Taiwan Policy Review.61
September 7, 199462
U.S. policy toward Taiwan is governed, of course, by the Taiwan Relations Act
of 1979. Three communiques with the People’s Republic of China the Shanghai
Communique of 1972, the Normalization Communique of 1979, and the Joint
Communique of 1982 also constitute part of the foundation. In the joint
communique shifting diplomatic relations to the PRC 15 years ago, the United States
recognized “the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal
Government of China.” The document further states that “Within this context, the
people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial
relations with the people of Taiwan.” The United States also acknowledged “the
Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China.” These
formulations were repeated in the 1982 communique. Since 1978, each
Administration has reaffirmed this policy.
The policy has been essential in maintaining peace, stability, and economic
development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and throughout the region. ... We
have made absolutely clear our expectation that cross-strait relations will evolve in
61 Announced on September 7, 1994 and described in the Clinton Administration’s only public
statement on the Taiwan Policy Review, which was given by Assistant Secretary of State for
East Asian and Pacific Affairs Winston Lord, “Taiwan Policy Review,” Testimony before the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, September 27, 1994 (in U.S. Department of State
Dispatch, October 17, 1994). Lord noted that “the lengthy, detailed inter-agency policy
review that we have conducted is the first of its kind launched by any Administration of either
political party since we shifted recognition to Beijing in 1979.” While opposing legislation
to specifically allow visits by top leaders of Taiwan, the Administration decided to send high-
level economic and technical officials to visit Taiwan, establish a sub-cabinet level economic
dialogue with Taiwan, allow Taiwan’s office in the United States to change its name to Taipei
Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO), and support Taiwan’s membership
in international organizations where statehood is not a requirement and Taiwan’s voice to be
heard in organizations where its membership is not allowed.
62 The review came after the Congress passed and the President signed (on April 30, 1994)
the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY 1994 and 1995 (P.L. 103-236) which directed
the State Department to register foreign-born Taiwanese-Americans as U.S. citizens born in
Taiwan (rather than China); called for the President to send Cabinet-level officials to Taiwan
and to show clear U.S. support for Taiwan in bilateral and multilateral relationships; and
declared that Sec. 3 of the TRA (on arms sales) takes primacy over statements of U.S. policy
(the 1982 communique). In addition, in May 1994, the State Department had allowed Taiwan
President Lee Teng-hui to make a refueling stop in Hawaii but denied him a visa to enter the
United States. In response, the Senate, from July to October, passed amendments introduced
by Senator Brown to ensure that Taiwan’s President can enter the United States on certain
occasions. Two amendments (for S. 2182 and H.R. 4606) that passed were not retained, but
the amendment to the Immigration and Nationality Technical Corrections Act of 1994 was
enacted. Upon signing the bill into law (P.L. 103-416) on October 25, 1994, President
Clinton, nonetheless, said that he would construe sec. 221 as expressing Congress’ view.

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CRS-30
a peaceful manner. We neither interfere in nor mediate this process. But we
welcome any evolution in relations between Taipei and Beijing that is mutually
agreed upon and peacefully reached. ...
In the end, it is only the two parties themselves Taiwan and the PRC that will
be able to resolve the issues between them. In this regard, the United States
applauds the continuing progress in cross-strait dialogue. ...
We will continue to provide material and training to Taiwan to enable it to
maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, as mandated by the Taiwan Relations
Act. ...
Within this framework, the President has decided to enhance our unofficial ties
with Taiwan. ... the Administration strongly opposes Congressional attempts to
legislate visits by top leaders of the “Republic of China” to the U.S. ...
Recognizing Taiwan’s important role in transnational issues, we will support
its membership in organizations where statehood is not a prerequisite, and will
support opportunities for Taiwan’s voice to be heard in organizations where its
membership is not possible.
We do not seek and cannot impose a resolution of differences between Taiwan
and the People’s Republic of China. Nor should we permit one to manipulate us
against the other.
PRC President Jiang Zemin’s “Eight Points”.63
January 30, 1995
1.
We must firmly oppose any words or actions aimed at creating an “independent
Taiwan” and the propositions “split the country and rule under separate
regimes,” two Chinas over a certain period of time,” etc., which are in
contravention of the principle of one China.
2.
We do not challenge the development of non-governmental economic and
cultural ties by Taiwan with other countries. ... However, we oppose Taiwan’s
activities in “expanding its living space internationally,” which are aimed at
creating “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.” ...
3.
It has been our consistent stand to hold negotiations with the Taiwan authorities
on the peaceful unification of the motherland. ... I suggest that, as the first
step, negotiations should be held and an agreement reached on officially ending
63 Jiang Zemin, “Continue to Promote the Unification of the Motherland,” January 30, 1995.
As part of the context of his speech, Jiang looked to the 100th anniversary of the Treaty of
Shimonoseki, signed between China and Japan on April 17, 1895, which ceded Taiwan to
Japan as a colony until the end of World War Two. Jiang also cited the transfer of control
to the PRC of Hong Kong in 1997 and Macau in 1999, and said that “now it is high time to
accomplish the unification of the motherland.”

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the state of hostility between the two sides in accordance with the principle that
there is only one China. ...
4.
We should strive for the peaceful unification of the motherland, since Chinese
should not fight fellow Chinese. Our not undertaking to give up the use of force
is not directed against our compatriots in Taiwan but against the schemes of
foreign forces to interfere with China’s unification and to bring about the
“independence of Taiwan.” ...
5.
Great efforts should be made to expand the economic exchanges and
cooperation between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait...
6.
People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait should inherit and carry forward the
fine traditions of Chinese culture.
7.
The 21 million compatriots in Taiwan, whether born there or in other provinces,
are all Chinese... We also hope that all political parties in Taiwan will adopt
a sensible, forward-looking, and constructive attitude and promote the
expansion of relations between the two sides. ...
8.
Leaders of Taiwan authorities are welcome to pay visits in appropriate
capacities. We are also ready to accept invitations from the Taiwan side to visit
Taiwan. ... The affairs of the Chinese people should be handled by ourselves,
something that does not take an international occasion to accomplish. ...
Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui’s “Six Point” Response.64
April 8, 1995
1.
The fact that the Chinese mainland and Taiwan have been ruled by two political
entities in no way subordinate to each other had led to a state of division between the
two sides and separate governmental jurisdictions, hence, the issue of national
unification. ... Only by facing up to this reality can both sides build greater
consensus on the “one China” issue and at the earliest possible date.
2.
In Taiwan, we have long taken upon ourselves the responsibility for
safeguarding and furthering traditional Chinese culture, and advocate that culture
be the basis for exchanges between both sides to help promote the nationalistic
sentiment for living together in prosperity and to foster a strong sense of
brotherliness. ...
3.
We will continue to assist the mainland in developing its economy and
upgrading the living standards of its people based upon our existing investments and
trade relations. As for trade and transportation links with the mainland, the
agencies concerned have to make in-depth evaluations as well as careful plans since
these are very complicated issues. ...
64 Lee Teng-hui, “Address to the National Unification Council,” April 8, 1995.

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4.
I have indicated on several occasions that if leaders on both sides could meet
with each other on international occasions in a natural manner, this would alleviate
the political confrontation between both sides and foster a harmonious atmosphere
for developing future relations. ... It is our firm belief that the more international
organizations both sides join on an equal footing, the more favorable the
environment will become for the growth of bilateral relations and for the process of
peaceful unification. ...
5.
We believe the mainland authorities should demonstrate their goodwill by
publicly renouncing the use of force and refrain from making any military move that
might arouse anxiety or suspicion on this side of the Taiwan Strait, thus paving the
way for formal negotiations between both sides to put an end to the state of hostility.
...
6.
Hong Kong and Macau are integral parts of the Chinese nation ... Post-1997
Hong Kong and post-1999 Macau are naturally a matter of great concern to us. In
this regard, the ROC government has reiterated its determination to maintain normal
contact with Hong Kong and Macau, further participate in affairs related to Hong
Kong and Macau, and provide better services to our compatriots there. ...
U.S. Visa For Lee Teng-hui’s Private Visit to Cornell University.65
May 22, 1995
President Clinton has decided to permit Lee Teng-hui to make a private visit to
the United States in June for the express purpose of participating in an alumni
reunion event at Cornell University, as a distinguished alumnus. The action follows
a revision of Administration guidelines to permit occasional private visits by senior
leaders of Taiwan, including President Lee.
President Lee will visit the U.S. in a strictly private capacity and will not
undertake any official activities. It is important to reiterate that this is not an
official visit. The granting of a visa in this case is consistent with U.S. policy of
maintaining only unofficial relations with Taiwan. It does not convey any change
in our relations with or policies towards the People’s Republic of China, with which
we maintain official relations and recognize as the sole legal government of China.
We will continue to abide by the three communiques that form the basis of our
relations with China. The United States also acknowledges the Chinese position that
there is but one China, and Taiwan is a part of China. ...
65 Department of State’s announcement by spokesperson, Nicholas Burns, May 22, 1995.
Congress’ view was an important factor acknowledged by the Administration in its reversal
of policy to grant the visa. Congress had overwhelmingly passed the bipartisan H.Con.Res.
53 expressing the sense of Congress that the President should promptly welcome a visit by Lee
Teng-hui to his alma mater, Cornell University, and a transit stop in Anchorage, Alaska, to
attend a conference. The House passed the resolution by 396-0 on May 2, and the Senate
passed it by 97-1 on May 9, 1995. Some analysts believe that another factor was the contrast
posed by the Administration’s March 1995 decision to grant visits to Gerry Adams (leader of
Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army (IRA)), to the United States,
including meetings with Clinton in the White House — despite objections from London.

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Clinton’s Secret Letter to Jiang Zemin and “Three Noes”.66
August 1995
At a meeting in Brunei in August 1995, Secretary of State Warren Christopher
reportedly delivered a letter from President Clinton to Chinese President Jiang Zemin.
In the letter, which has not been made public, Clinton is said to have assured Jiang
that the United States would (1) “oppose” Taiwan independence; (2) would not
support “two Chinas,” or one China and one Taiwan; and (3) would not support
Taiwan’s admission to the United Nations.
U.S. Department of State and March 1996 Taiwan Strait Tensions.67
March 14, 1996
Our fundamental interest on the Taiwan question is that peace and stability be
maintained and that the PRC and Taiwan work out their differences peacefully. At
the same time, we will strictly avoid interfering as the two sides pursue peaceful
resolution of differences.
The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979 forms the legal basis of U.S. policy
regarding the security of Taiwan. ... However serious, the present situation does not
constitute a threat to Taiwan of the magnitude contemplated by the drafters of the
TRA. The PRC pressure against Taiwan to date does not add up to a “threat to the
security or the social or economic system” of Taiwan. ...
Overall U.S. China policy, including the Taiwan question, is expressed in the
three joint communiques with the PRC as follows:
—
The United States recognizes the Government of the PRC as “the sole legal
Government of China.”
—
The U.S. acknowledges the Chinese position that “there is but one China and
Taiwan is part of China.” In 1982, the U.S. assured the PRC that it has no
intention of pursuing a policy of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”
66 Garver, p. 79; Mann, p. 330. These promises apparently formed the basis for the
Administration’s later public statements issued in 1997 and 1998, including one by President
Clinton in China, that became known as the “Three Noes.” However, “opposing” Taiwan
independence was changed to a more neutral stance of “not supporting” it. Clinton’s letter
was sent after the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) launched its first test-firing of M-9 short-
range ballistic missiles toward Taiwan in July 1995, as part of the PRC’s reaction to Lee
Teng-hui’s visit to Cornell University in June 1995.
67 Department of State, Winston Lord, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific
Affairs, Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on
East Asia and the Pacific, March 14, 1996. The PRC followed its July 1995 missile test-
firings with more military exercises and additional missile test-firings in March 1996 — to
intimidate voters in Taiwan on the eve of their first democratic presidential election. The
United States deployed two carrier battle groups east of Taiwan to underscore the American
commitment to regional peace and stability.

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—
Within this context, the people of the U.S. will maintain cultural, commercial,
and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan.
—
The U.S. has consistently held that resolution of the Taiwan issue is a matter
to be worked out peacefully by the Chinese themselves.
President Clinton’s Meeting with Japanese Prime Minister.68
April 17, 1996
Clinton: Yes, we discussed Taiwan and China extensively, as well as the recent
tension in the strait. It is obvious that our partnership is designed to try to preserve
the peace for all peoples in this region. And I believe that I can say we both agree
that, while the United States clearly observes the so-called one China policy, we also
observe the other aspects of the agreement we made many years ago, which include
a commitment on the part of both parties to resolve all their differences in a
peaceable manner. And we have encouraged them to pursue that. Therefore, we
were concerned about those actions in the Taiwan Strait.
Secretary of State Christopher on Improving Relations with China.69
May 17, 1996
Since 1972, the foundation for deepening engagement between our nations has
been the “one China” policy that is embodied in the three joint communiques
between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. ...
The United States strongly believes that resolution of the issues between the
PRC and Taiwan must be peaceful. We were gravely concerned when China’s
military exercises two months ago raised tensions in the Taiwan Strait. Our
deployment of naval forces to the region was meant to avert any dangerous
miscalculations. We are encouraged that both sides have now taken steps to reduce
tensions.
68 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto of Japan in
Tokyo,” April 17, 1996, Public Papers of United States Presidents, William Clinton. The
two leaders issued a Joint Declaration on Security to strengthen the alliance.
69 Department of State, “American Interests and the U.S.-China Relationship,” Address by
Secretary of State Warren Christopher to the Asia Society, the Council on Foreign Relations,
and the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, New York, May 17, 1996. Christopher
ended with a signal of President Clinton’s new willingness to hold regular summits with the
PRC President. Then in July 1996, National Security Advisor Anthony Lake traveled to
China to pursue the “strategic dialogue.” Briefing reporters on July 3, 1996, a National
Security Council official said Lake was scheduled to meet Wang Daohan, chairman of the
Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS), in order to do “what we can
there to advance the resumption and to promote the resumption of cross-strait dialogue and
to reinforce our position that the differences between Taiwan and China need to be resolved
peacefully.” This item on Lake’s agenda signaled a new, proactive U.S. stance on cross-strait
relations and raised questions in Beijing and Taipei of U.S. involvement. The meeting was
canceled after Lake’s arrival in China.

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One the eve of the inauguration next Monday of Taiwan’s first democratically
elected President, it is timely to reflect on the enduring value of our “one China”
policy for both the PRC and Taiwan and on our common interest and responsibility
to uphold it. I want to tell you publicly today what we have been saying privately to
the leaders in Beijing and Taipei in recent weeks.
To the leadership in Beijing, we have reiterated our consistent position that the
future relationship between Taiwan and the PRC must be resolved directly between
them. But we have reaffirmed that we have a strong interest in the region’s
continued peace and stability and that our “one China” policy is predicated on the
PRC’s pursuit of a peaceful resolution of issues between Taipei and Beijing.
To the leadership in Taiwan, we have reiterated our commitment to robust
unofficial relations, including helping Taiwan maintain a sufficient self-defense
capacity under the terms of the Taiwan Relations Act. We have stressed that Taiwan
has prospered under the “one China” policy. And we have made clear our view that
as Taiwan seeks an international role, it should pursue that objective in a way that
is consistent with a “one China” policy.
We have emphasized to both sides the importance of avoiding provocative
actions or unilateral measures that would alter the status quo or pose a threat to
peaceful resolution of outstanding issues. And we have strongly urged both sides to
resume the cross-strait dialogue that was interrupted last summer.
Taiwan’s First Direct Presidential Election and Inaugural Address.70
May 20, 1996
The Republic of China has always been a sovereign state. Disputes across the
Strait center around system and lifestyle; they have nothing to do with ethnic or
cultural identity. Here in this country, it is totally unnecessary or impossible to
adopt the so-called course of “Taiwan independence.” For over 40 years, the two
sides of the Strait have been two separate jurisdictions due to various historical
factors, but it is also true that both sides pursue eventual national unification. ...
70 “The President [Lee Teng-hui’s] Inaugural Speech (Excerpt),”May 20, 1996, printed in
Consensus Formed at the National Development Conference on Cross-Strait Relations,
Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China, February 1997. With a tense
military environment brought by China’s military exercises that included missile test-firings,
Lee Teng-hui won a landslide victory of 54 percent of the votes in Taiwan’s first democratic
presidential election on March 23, 1996. Pro-independence candidate Peng Ming-min
received 21 percent, and pro-unification Lin Yang-kang won 15 percent of the votes.

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Taiwan’s Multi-Party National Development Conference.71
December 23-28, 1996
The Republic of China has been a sovereign state since 1912. Following the
establishment of the Chinese communist regime in 1949, both sides of the Taiwan
Strait became co-equal political entities. ...
The development of relations with the mainland must be based on safeguarding
the survival and development of the Republic of China. ...
The Republic of China is a sovereign state that must actively promote foreign
relations and raise its profile at international activities in its pursuit of national
survival and development. Taiwan is not a part of the “People’s Republic of
China,” and the ROC government opposes dealing with the cross-strait issue
through the “one country, two systems” scheme.
The government should reduce the possibility of confrontation with the
mainland by establishing sound mainland policies, and should actively make use of
regional and global security and cooperation mechanisms to assure the security of
Taiwan.
At this point, ROC accession to such international bodies as the World Trade
Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank, should
continue to be actively pursued.
ROC admission to the United Nations should be actively pursued as a long-term
objective through flexible responses to changes in the international situation.
President Clinton’s Statements at the 1997 Summit (Washington).
October 29, 1997
A key to Asia’s stability is a peaceful and prosperous relationship between the
People’s Republic of China and Taiwan. I reiterated America’s longstanding
commitment to a one China policy. It has allowed democracy to flourish in Taiwan
and provides a framework in which all three relationships can prosper — between
the United States and the PRC, the United States and Taiwan, and Taiwan and the
People’s Republic of China. I told President Jiang that we hope the People’s
Republic and Taiwan would resume a constructive cross-strait dialogue and expand
71 Consensus Formed at the National Development Conference on Cross-Strait Relations,
Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China, February 1997. Also see:
CRS Report 97-268, Taiwan’s National Development Conference: Proposed Policy Changes
and Implications for the United States, February 24, 1997, by Robert G. Sutter. Called by
President Lee Teng-hui in his inaugural speech in May 1996, delegates from the three major
political parties (Nationalist Party, Democratic Progressive Party, and New China Party)
attended the conference. The conference took place as Taiwan looked to the transfer of Hong
Kong as a British colony to a Special Administration Region of the PRC in July 1997.

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cross-strait exchanges. Ultimately, the relationship between the PRC and Taiwan
is for the Chinese themselves to determine — peacefully.72
First of all, I think the most important thing the United States can do to
facilitate a peaceful resolution of the differences is to adhere strictly to the one
China policy we have agreed on, to make it clear that within the context of that one
China policy, as articulated in the communiques and our own laws, we will maintain
friendly, open relations with the people of Taiwan and China; but that we understand
that this issue has to be resolved and resolved peacefully, and that if it is resolved
in a satisfactory way, consistent with statements made in the past, then Asia will be
stronger and more stable and more prosperous. That is good for the United States.
And our own relations with China will move on to another stage of success. I think
the more we can encourage that, the better off we are. But I think in the end, since
so much investment and contact has gone on in the last few years between Taiwan
and China, I think the Chinese people know how to resolve this when the time is
right, and we just have to keep saying we hope the time will be right as soon as
possible. Sooner is better than later.73
1997 Clinton-Jiang Summit and Joint U.S.-China Statement.74
October 29, 1997
China stresses that the Taiwan question is the most important and sensitive
central question in China-U.S. relations, and that the proper handling of this
question in strict compliance with the principles set forth in the three China-U.S.
joint communiques holds the key to sound and stable growth of China-U.S. relations.
The United States reiterates that it adheres to its “one China” policy and the
principles set forth in the three U.S.-China joint communiques.
72 President Clinton’s opening statement, Press Conference by President Clinton and President
Jiang Zemin, Old Executive Office Building, Washington, D.C., October 29, 1997.
73 President Clinton’s answer to a question about whether he sees any U.S. role in securing
a permanent peaceful environment in the Taiwan Strait (after reference to U.S. roles in
brokering peace in Bosnia and the Middle East), Press Conference by President Clinton and
President Jiang Zemin, Old Executive Office Building, Washington, D.C., October 29, 1997.
74 White House, “Joint U.S.-China Statement,” October 29, 1997. In preparing for the
summit, the PRC desired to have a “fourth communique” with further U.S. assurances on
Taiwan. Also, Mann wrote that the PRC wanted the joint statement to make public the
“Three Noes” that President Clinton had promised President Jiang in a private letter in 1995.
The Joint Statement did not mention the TRA.

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1997 Summit and the State Department on the “Three Noes”.75
October 31, 1997
We certainly made clear that we have a one-China policy; that we don’t support
a one-China, one-Taiwan policy. We don’t support a two-China policy. We don’t
support Taiwan independence, and we don’t support Taiwanese membership in
organizations that require you to be a member state. We certainly made that very
clear to the Chinese.
1998 Clinton-Jiang Summit in Beijing.76
June 27, 1998
President Jiang: The Taiwan question is the most important and the most
sensitive issue at the core of China-U.S. relations. We hope that the U.S. side will
adhere to the principles set forth in the three China-U.S. joint communiques and the
joint China-U.S. statement, as well as the relevant commitments it has made in the
interest of a smooth growth of China-U.S. relations.
President Clinton: I reaffirmed our longstanding one China policy to President
Jiang and urged the pursuit of cross-strait discussions recently resumed as the best
path to a peaceful resolution. In a similar vein, I urged President Jiang to assume
a dialogue with the Dalai Lama in return for the recognition that Tibet is a part of
China and in recognition of the unique cultural and religious heritage of that region.
75 Department of State, Press Briefing by James Rubin, October 31, 1997. For the first time,
the Administration publicly stated the “Three Noes,” which were not put in writing in the
U.S.-China Joint Statement. Rubin made that statement in response to a question about
specific assurances on Taiwan that President Clinton gave to President Jiang during the 1997
summit. Clinton reportedly had passed a secret letter to Jiang in August 1995 with an earlier
version of the “Three Noes.”
76 White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Press Availability by President Clinton and
President Jiang,” Beijing, PRC, June 27, 1998.

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1998 Summit and Clinton’s Statement on the “Three Noes”.77
June 30, 199878
I had a chance to reiterate our Taiwan policy, which is that we don’t support
independence for Taiwan, or two Chinas, or one Taiwan-one China. And we don’t
believe that Taiwan should be a member in any organization for which statehood is
a requirement. So I think we have a consistent policy. Our only policy has been that
we think it has to be done peacefully. That is what our law says, and we have
encouraged the cross-strait dialogue. And I think eventually it will bear fruit if
everyone is patient and works hard.
Taiwan’s Lee Teng-hui on “One Divided China”.79
August 3, 1998
The path to a democratic China must begin with a recognition of the present
reality by both sides of the Taiwan Strait. And that reality is that China is divided,
just as Germany and Vietnam were in the past and as Korea is today. Hence, there
is no “one China” now. We hope for this outcome in the future, but presently it does
not exist. Today, there is only “one divided China,” with Taiwan and the mainland
each being part of China. Because neither has jurisdiction over the other, neither
can represent the other, much less all of China.
77 White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Remarks by the President and the First Lady
in Discussion on Shaping China for the 21st Century,” Shanghai, China, June 30, 1998. The
Administration maintains that the “Three Noes” represented no change in U.S. policy.
Nonetheless, President Clinton chose to issue this statement verbally and at an informal
“roundtable discussion,” rather than at the summit in Beijing with President Jiang on June 27,
1998. In testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 25, 1999, Assistant
Secretary of State Stanley Roth cited Kissinger’s 1971 promise as the origins of U.S. policy
of non-support for Taiwan’s independence and argued that President Clinton’s June 1998
“Three Noes” statement represented no change in U.S. policy toward Taiwan.
78 On the eve of President Clinton’s trip to China, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Susan
Shirk testified before the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
on May 20, 1998, stating that “there will be no fourth communique; nor will our relationship
with Taiwan be diluted or sacrificed in any way.” Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
Kurt Campbell also assured Congress that “there will be no fourth communique and there will
be no document that harms Taiwan’s interest.” The House, on June 9, 1998, passed (411-0)
H.Con.Res. 270 (Solomon), resolving that it is the sense of Congress that “the United States
abides by all previous understandings of a ‘one China’ policy and its abiding interest in a
peaceful resolution of the Taiwan Strait issue.” The House also resolved that the President
should seek at the summit a public renunciation by the PRC of any use of force or threat to
use force against Taiwan. After the President stated the “Three Noes” in China, the Senate
passed (92-0) S.Con.Res. 107 (Lott) on July 10, 1998, affirming its expectation that the
future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means, but did not include language on the
people of both sides of the strait determining their own future. The House, on July 20, 1998,
passed (390-1) H.Con.Res. 301 (Delay) affirming its expectation that the “future status of
Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means, and that the people of both sides of the Taiwan
Strait should determine their own future...”
79 Lee Teng-hui, “U.S. Can’t Ignore Taiwan,” Wall Street Journal, August 3, 1998.

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Second “Koo-Wang Talks” (Shanghai).80
October 14, 1998
Taiwan: It has been nearly 50 years since the two sides of the Taiwan Strait
became two equal entities under divided rule and not subordinate to each other. A
“divided China” is not only a historical fact, but also a political reality.81
Taiwan: China’s unification hinges upon the democratization of the Chinese
mainland. Only when the Chinese mainland has achieved democracy can the two
sides of the Taiwan Strait talk about unification.82
PRC: Mr. Wang said that Taiwan’s political status can be discussed under the
one China principle. On this point, both Mr. Jiang Zemin and Mr. Qian Qichen had
similar comments to the effect that anything can be put on the table under the one
China principle. Therefore, on the question of one China, this will be our consistent
stand before the two sides across the strait are reunified: there is only one China
across the strait, Taiwan is part of China, and Chinese sovereignty and territorial
integrity are indivisible. ... Now, the Government of the People’s Republic of China
is universally acknowledged internationally as the only legitimate government
representing China. In spite of this, the two sides should still negotiate on equal
footing under the principle that there is but one China. The issue of whether the
talks are between central or local authorities can be left aside.83
U.S. Assistant Secretary Stan Roth on “Interim Agreements”.84
March 24, 1999
Insisting on peaceful resolution of differences between the PRC and Taiwan will
remain U.S. policy in the future just as surely as it has been our policy over the past
twenty years. Our belief, which we have stated repeatedly, is that dialogue between
80 ARATS and SEF agreed on a four-point common understanding: (hold all kinds of dialogue,
including political and economic dialogue; strengthen exchanges, including those at all levels;
strengthen mutual assistance in cases involving lives and property; acceptance of an invitation
for Wang Daohan to visit Taiwan at an appropriate time), according to Xinhua Hong Kong
Service, October 15, 1998, in FBIS.
81 Koo Chen-fu, “Key Points From Remarks Made at a Meeting with ARATS Chairman
Wang Daohan,” Shanghai, October 14, 1998 (issued by SEF, Republic of China).
82 Opening remarks of Taiwan’s SEF Chairman Koo Chen-fu at a press conference after his
meeting with PRC President Jiang Zemin in Beijing, October 18, 1998.
83 Statement of Tang Shubei, executive vice chairman of the PRC’s ARATS, denying
inconsistency between comments of ARATS chairman Wang Daohan and Vice Premier Qian
Qichen, “Tang Shubei Explains ‘One China’ Principle,” Zhongguo Xinwen She (China News
Agency), Beijing, October 18, 1998; translated in FBIS.
84 Stanley O. Roth, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Department of
State, “The Taiwan Relations Act at Twenty — and Beyond,” address to the Woodrow
Wilson Center and the American Institute in Taiwan, Washington, DC, March 24, 1999. On
the next day, Roth testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on U.S.-Taiwan
relations, but he did not discuss the possibility of cross-strait “interim agreements.”

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the PRC and Taiwan fosters an atmosphere in which tensions are reduced,
misperceptions can be clarified, and common ground can be explored. The
exchange of visits under the SEF/ARATS framework, currently rich in symbolism but
still nascent in substance, has the potential to contribute to the peaceful resolution
of difficult substantive differences.
Clearly, this will not be easy, but this Administration has great confidence in
the creativity of the people of Taiwan and the people of the mainland, working
together, to identify the necessary human contacts and the most comfortable
processes to give the dialogue real meaning. Using a phrase that has garnered much
favor in Washington of late, I could imagine that “out of the box” thinking within
this dialogue might contribute to interim agreements, perhaps in combination with
specific confidence building measures, on any number of difficult topics. But, as the
U.S. has steadfastly held, we will avoid interfering as the two sides pursue peaceful
resolution of differences, because it is only the participants on both sides of the strait
that can craft the specific solutions which balance their interests while addressing
their most pressing concerns.
Taiwan’s Lee Teng-hui on “Special State-to-State” Relations.85
July 9, 199986
The fact that disregarding the reality that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are
under separate administrations of different governments, the Chinese communist
authorities have been threatening us with force is actually the main reason why
cross-strait ties cannot be improved thoroughly. ... Since the PRC’s establishment,
the Chinese communists have never ruled Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu,
which have been under the jurisdiction of the Republic of China. ... Since our
constitutional reform in 1991, we have designated cross-strait ties as nation-to-
nation, or at least as special state-to-state ties, rather than internal ties within “one
China” between a legitimate government and a rebellion group, or between central
and local governments. ...
85 President Lee Teng-hui’s interview with the Voice of Germany, Taipei, July 9, 1999,
reported in Chung-Yang Jih-Pao, July 10, 1999, in FBIS. Lee was responding to a question
about Beijing viewing Taiwan as a “renegade province.” Some observers note that Lee may
have specifically chosen German media, because Germany was once a divided country.
86 Three days later, Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Su Chi added that “While
we continue to show our goodwill, Mainland China continues to tighten its ‘one China
principle.’ Therefore, it is unnecessary for us to stick to our previous position. We shall
clearly define equal footing in order to usher in better cross-strait relations toward the next
century.” From: “MAC Chairman Su Chi at July 12, 1999 Press Conference,” Taipei Speaks
Up: Special State-to-State Relationship, Republic of China’s Policy Documents, Mainland
Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China, August 1999.

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President Clinton on the “Three Pillars” of Policy Toward Taiwan.87
July 21, 1999
Clinton [on whether the United States is obligated to defend Taiwan militarily
if it abandons the one China policy and would continue to provide military aid if
Taiwan pursues separatism]: Well, let me say first of all, a lot of those questions are
governed by the Taiwan Relations Act, which we intend to honor. Our policy is
clear: We favor the one China policy; we favor the cross-strait dialogues. The
understanding we have had all along with both China and Taiwan is that the
differences between them would be resolved peacefully. If that were not to be the
case, under the Taiwan Relations Act we would be required to view it with the
gravest concern. ...
Clinton [on delaying a Pentagon delegation’s visit to Taiwan]: I didn’t think this
was the best time to do something which might excite either one side or the other and
imply that a military solution is an acceptable alternative. If you really think about
what’s at stake here, it would be unthinkable. And I want — I don’t want to depart
from any of the three pillars. I think we need to stay with one China; I think we need
to stay with the dialogue; and I think that no one should contemplate force here.
Taiwan’s Position Paper on “Special State-to-State Relationship”.88
August 1, 1999
President Lee’s remarks concerning the nature of the cross-strait relationship
were based on the necessity of protecting national interests and dignity. From the
political, historical, and legal perspectives, he merely clarified an existing fact. He
by no means twisted or exaggerated the truth, nor did he exclude the goal of unifying
both sides of the Strait as a new, democratic China. ...
Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have always differed in their definition of
“one China.” Thus, in 1992, ... the two sides eventually reached an agreement on
“one China, with each side being entitled to its respective interpretation.” ...
However, Beijing has unilaterally abandoned this agreement in recent years. ... In
the framework of the 1992 agreement, whereby each side is entitled to its respective
interpretation, we have always maintained that the “one China” concept refers to
the future rather than the present. The two sides are not yet unified, but are equals,
ruled separately. We both exist concurrently. Therefore, the two sides can be
defined as sharing a “special state-to-state relationship,” prior to unification. ...
87 White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Press Conference by the President,”
Washington, DC, July 21, 1999.
88 “Parity, Peace, and Win-Win: The Republic of China’s Position on the ‘Special
State-to-State Relationship’,” Mainland Affairs Council, Executive Yuan, Republic of China,
August 1, 1999.

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Presidents Clinton and Jiang at APEC Meeting.89
September 11, 199990
Clinton [on his message concerning Taiwan]: My message is that our policy has
not and will not change. We favor one China. We favor a peaceful approach to
working out the differences. We favor the cross-strait dialogue. Our policy has not
changed and it will not change.
Jiang [on whether the PRC will maintain its threat to use military force against
Taiwan]: Our policy on Taiwan is a consistent one. That is, one, peaceful
unification, one country-two systems. However, if there were to be any foreign
intervention, or if there were to be Taiwan independence, then we would not
undertake to renounce the use of force.
89 White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Remarks by the President and President Jiang
Zemin of the People’s Republic of China in Photo Opportunity,” Auckland, New Zealand,
September 11, 1999. In a press briefing just after President Clinton’s meeting with Jiang,
National Security Advisor Sandy Berger said that Clinton told Jiang that if he were to resort
to military force, “there would be grave consequences in the United States.” Berger said
Clinton also stated that U.S. policy would continue “as it has been since the presidency of
Richard Nixon,” to be based on the “three fundamental pillars” of the one China policy, a
peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue, and the cross-strait dialogue.
90 A few days, later, on September 15, 1999, the United States spoke out, for the first time,
against the ROC’s bid for re-entering the United Nations, reported Reuters. Previously, the
United States remained outside the debate on whether to place the issue of the ROC’s
membership on the General Assembly’s agenda. This year, an unnamed U.S. official was
quoted: “we wanted to make clear that our ‘one-China’ policy is unchanged.” The annual
outcome, since Taiwan’s effort began in 1993, has been a failure to get the issue of its
membership on the agenda.

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PRC’s Second Taiwan White Paper and "Three Ifs".91
February 21, 200092
On October 1, 1949, the Central People’s Government of the PRC was
proclaimed, replacing the government of the Republic of China to become the only
legal government of the whole of China and its sole legal representative in the
international arena, thereby bringing the historical status of the Republic of China
to an end. ... so the government of the PRC naturally should fully enjoy and exercise
China’s sovereignty, including its sovereignty over Taiwan. ...
The Chinese government is actively and sincerely striving for peaceful
unification. To achieve peaceful unification, the Chinese government has appealed
time and again for cross-strait negotiations on the basis of equality and the One
China principle. ... The Chinese government has also proposed that dialogue (that
includes political dialogue) may start first, which may gradually move on to
procedural consultations for political negotiation (to resolve issues for formal
negotiation, such as the name, topics for discussion, and format), then political
negotiation may begin. Political negotiation may be carried out step-by-step. ...
However, since the early 1990s, Lee Teng-hui has gradually deviated from the
One China principle... In military affairs, the Taiwan authorities have bought large
quantities of advanced weapons from foreign countries and sought to join the TMD
system, attempting to covertly establish certain forms of military alliance with the
United States and Japan. ...
91 The PRC’s Taiwan Affairs Office and Information Office of the State Council, “The One
China Principle and the Taiwan Issue,” February 21, 2000, the English version as published
by Xinhua [New China News Agency] and translated in FBIS, and the Chinese version as
published by People’s Daily Online.
92 The PRC issued this white paper just after a U.S. delegation left Beijing. The delegation
included Deputy National Security Advisor James Steinberg, Under Secretary of Defense
Walter Slocombe, Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Joseph Ralston, and
Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, who were given no indication that the white paper
would be issued. The white paper was also issued on the eve of Taiwan’s presidential election
scheduled for March 18, 2000, with the possibility that Chen Shui-bian would win.
Moreover, the House had passed (341-70) H.R. 1838, “the Taiwan Security Enhancement
Act,” on February 1, 2000, which was still pending in the Senate and opposed by Beijing and
the Clinton Administration. News reports also said that Taipei and Washington were
discussing Taiwan’s possible procurement of Aegis-equipped destroyers, missile defense
systems, and other advanced U.S. weapons, leading to annual arms sales talks in April. In his
response to the PRC’s White Paper on Taiwan, Undersecretary of Defense Walter Slocombe,
who just returned from Beijing, warned on February 22 that the PRC would face “incalculable
consequences” if it used force against Taiwan as the White Paper threatened (Washington
Post, February 23, 2000). On the same day, Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth
testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs that
“the threat of the use of force to resolve the Taiwan question is contrary to the commitments
contained in the communiques that are the bedrock of U.S. policy.” In his comments about
the White Paper, Roth also reiterated the Administration’s “three principles” (peaceful
resolution, cross-strait dialogue, and one China).

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CRS-45
Facts prove that a serious crisis still exists in the situation of the Taiwan Strait.
To safeguard the interests of the entire Chinese people, including compatriots in
Taiwan, and maintain the peace and development of the Asia-Pacific region, the
Chinese government remains firm in adhering to “peaceful unification, one
country/two systems;” upholding the eight propositions put forward by President
Jiang Zemin for the development of cross-strait relations and the acceleration of the
peaceful unification of China; and doing its utmost to achieve the objective of
peaceful unification. However, if a grave turn of events occurs leading to the
separation of Taiwan from China in any name, or if there is foreign invasion and
occupation of Taiwan, or if Taiwan authorities indefinitely refuse to peacefully
resolve the cross-strait unification problem through negotiations, then the Chinese
government will only be forced to adopt all possible drastic measures, including the
use of force, to safeguard China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and fulfill the
great cause of China’s unification. ...
Countries maintaining diplomatic relations with China must not sell arms to
Taiwan or enter into any forms of military alliance with Taiwan ... or help Taiwan
to produce weapons. ...
President Clinton on Resolution with Assent of Taiwan’s People.93
February 24, 2000
We’ll continue to reject the use of force as a means to resolve the Taiwan
question. We’ll also continue to make absolutely clear that the issues between
Beijing and Taiwan must be resolved peacefully and with the assent of the people of
Taiwan.
Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian’s Inauguration Speech.94
May 20, 200095
Today, as the Cold War has ended, it is time for the two sides to cast aside the
hostilities left from the old era. We do not need to wait further because now is a new
opportunity for the two sides to create an era of reconciliation together.
The people across the Taiwan Strait share the same ancestral, cultural, and
historical background. While upholding the principles of democracy and parity,
93 Remarks by the President to the Business Council, February 24, 2000. Later, Clinton
added a third point, saying also that “there must be a shift from threat to dialogue across the
Taiwan Strait, and we will continue to encourage both sides to seize this opportunity after the
Taiwan election” (Remarks by the President on China, March 8, 2000).
94 ROC, Office of the President, “Taiwan Stands Up: Toward the Dawn of a Rising Era,”
May 20, 2000 (English and Chinese versions via the Government Information Office).
95 On March 18, 2000, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the
presidential election in Taiwan with 39 percent of the vote. Independent candidate James
Soong won 37 percent. The ruling Kuomintang (KMT), or Nationalist Party’s, Lien Chan
won 23 percent. The DPP has leaned toward favoring Taiwan’s independence. Chen’s DPP
administration brought Taiwan’s first democratic transfer of power from one party to another,
after 55 years of KMT rule.

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CRS-46
building upon the existing foundations, and constructing conditions for cooperation
through goodwill, we believe that the leaders on both sides possess enough wisdom
and creativity to jointly deal with the question of a future “one China.”
I fully understand that as the popularly elected 10th-term President of the
Republic of China, I must abide by the Constitution, maintain the sovereignty,
dignity, and security of our country, and ensure the well-being of all citizens.
Therefore, as long as the CCP regime has no intention to use military force against
Taiwan, I pledge that during my term in office, I will not declare independence, I will
not change the national title, I will not push forth the inclusion of the so-called
“state-to-state” description in the Constitution, and I will not promote a referendum
to change the status quo in regards to the question of independence or unification.
Furthermore, the abolition of the National Unification Council or the Guidelines for
National Unification will not be an issue.
PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s New Formulation.96
July-August 200097
With regard to cross-strait relations, the one China principle we stand for is
that there is only one China in the world; the mainland and Taiwan all belong to one
China; and China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are indivisible.
Taiwan President on “Integration”.98
December 31, 2000
I have always felt that the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait came from
the same family and that they all pursue the same goals of peaceful coexistence and
mutual prosperity. Since both sides with to live under the same roof, we should be
more understanding and helpful rather than harming or destroying each other. ...
The integration of our economies, trade, and culture can be a starting point for
gradually building faith and confidence in each other. This, in turn, can be the basis
for a new framework of permanent peace and political integration.
96 Xinhua [New China News Agency], August 25, 2000, in FBIS.
97 In July 2000, Qian Qichen had articulated, to visiting Taiwan lawmakers and journalists,
a more flexible formulation of the “one China” principle, particularly in saying that the
mainland and Taiwan both belong to one China (vs. that Taiwan is a part of the PRC or
China), according to Taiwan media (e.g., Central News Agency, July 18, 2000). Later,
looking towards an incoming Bush Administration, Qian granted an interview at Zhongnanhai
(the leadership compound) to the Washington Post to reiterate what he described as a new
flexibility on Taiwan to the United States (John Pomfret, “Beijing Signals New Flexibility on
Taiwan,” Washington Post, January 5, 2001). In a speech on January 11, 2001, outgoing
Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth praised the “significant formulation by Vice Premier
Qian Qichen to the effect that the PRC and Taiwan are both parts of China.”
98 Chen Shui-bian, President of the Republic of China, “Bridging the New Century: New
Year’s Eve Address,” December 31, 2000. For “integration,” Chen used “tong he.”

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